LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 


presented  to  the 

UNIVERSITY  LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

SAN  DIEGO 

by 

Tom  Ham 


DTl'll" 

3  1822  ^ 700  6725 


MR.   BRYAN  AND  HIS  GRANDCHILDREN 


THE  REAL  BRYAN 


BEING  EXTRACTS  FROM  THE  SPEECHES 
AND  WRITINGS  OF 

"A  WELL-ROUNDED  MAN" 


They  call  a.  man  a,  statesman  <whose  ear  is  tuned  to 
catch  the  slightest  pulsation  of  a.  pocket-book,  and 
denounce  AS  a.  demagogue  anyone  <who  dares  listen  to 
the  heart-beat  of  humanity. — W.  J.  Bryan. 


COMPILED  BY 

RICHARD  L.  METCALFE 


PERSONAL  HELP  PUBLISHING  COMPANY 

DBS   MOINES,  IOWA 
1908 


Copyright,  1908, 
BY  PERSONAL  HELP  PUBLISHING  Co. 


A  Badge  of  Shame i4 

A  Central  Bank 138 

A  Child's  Influence       ........  124 

"A  Dream  in  Marble"   ........  121 

A   Far-Reaching    Platform  -         .  .         .         .23 

A  High  Purpose 48 

A  Living  Fountain       ........  86 

American  Foreign  Missions          .......  174 

Americanism          .........  34 

American  Money  Abroad      .......  84 

American  Philanthropy 44 

America's  Mission         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .  181 

Anarchy        ..........  140 

"Ask  the  Mother" .         .31 

A  World  Power            ........  36 

Before  the  Economic  Club,  New  York       .  275 

Before  the  Irish  Club 199 

Business  Honor             ........  45 

Campaign   Contributions       .......  162 

Capital   and  Labor 212 

Employer  and  Employee 212 

Arbitration     .........  215 

Labor  and  "Property  Rights"         .         .         .         .         .  216 

Representation  in  the  Cabinet       .....  217 

Their  Share  in  Prosperity 218 

Education  and  the  Laboring  Man         .         .         .         .219 

Government  by  Injunction 220 

Chinese  Exclusion        ........  171 

Civilization             .........  32 

Class  Hatred 25 

Confucianism         .........  67 

Conscience             .........  183 

Coronation  of  a  King 43 

Criminal  Speculation 95 

Death 71 

Defeat 34 

3 


4  CONTENTS 

PAGE 

Democracy            .........  32 

Destiny          .         .         .    _ 77 

Development  of  the  Individual       ......  23 

Doctrine  of  Election    ........  120 

Dreamers 134 

Duty  of   Superior   Nations           ......  37 

Education               .........  78 

Election  of  United  States  Senators 139 

Enforcing  the  Law 27 

Faith             .         . 133 

Force 81 

Foreign  Relations          ........  153 

Entangling  Alliances       .......  153 

The  Monroe  Doctrine 154 

Collecting  Debts  with  Navy 154 

Fraternity 28 

Free  Speech          .........  56 

Gambling,  Great  and  Small 166 

Gambling  on  Futures      .......  166 

The  Gambling  Vice 169 

Stock  Exchange  Gambling      ......  171 

Graft             ..........  53 

Growth  of  Democracy 99 

Guaranteed  Banks 223 

The  Plan  Outlined 223 

"Make  All  Banks  Equally  Good"  .         .         .         .225 

Humanity's  Search  for  Peace 130 

Imitation 66 

Immortality 39 

Imperialism,  Militarism  and  Self-Government       .         .         .  245 

Imperialism    .........  245 

Colonialism             251 

Self-Government 251 

Liberty 252 

Militarism 253 

Cubans  and  Filipinos      .......  253 

Income  Tax           . 160 

Individualism  vs.  Socialism           .         .         ;••*-.         .         .  186 

In  the  Philippines          .         .         ...         .         .         .         .  155 

Jerusalem      .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .         .45 

Love's  Festival     .........  92 

"Loyalty  to  the  Money  Bag"       ......  55 

Majestic   Nature           ........  33 

Man's    Limitations        ........  123 

Markham's   Tribute   to   Lincoln           .....  83 

Miracles 85 

Misrepresenting  the  Democrat 102 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

Money  and  Banking     ........  239 

Wall  Street  and  the  Treasury 239 

An  Attribute  of  Sovereignty 240 

Asset  Currency       ........  241 

Motherhood           .........  41 

Oratory         ..........  Ill 

Patriotism              .........  142 

Paying  What  We  Owe 61 

Peace 144 

Pensions                 .........  137 

Plutocracy     ..........  57 

Presidential  Nomination       .         .         .                  .         .         .  149 

Protecting    Property   Rights .114 

Purity  in  Politics 103 

Real  Greatness     .........  132 

Religious  Liberty           ....'....  30 

Revenge 58 

Secret  Influence 91 

"Sermons  in  Stones" 68 

Service    -  87 


State  and  Nation 

The   Dual   Scheme 

Advantages  of  the  Dual  System 

Influence  of  the  State     . 

Jefferson's  Reasons 

Sphere  of  the  State 
Swollen  Fortunes 
Tarifa        .  .... 

Thanksgiving        .... 

The  Ballot 

The  Buzzard   and   the   Bee 

The  Children's    Legacy 

The  Dignity    of    Labor 

The  Doctrines  of  the  Nazarene    . 

The  Efficacy  of  Example 

The  First  Voter 

The  Flag 

The  Greater  Man  and  Nation 

The  Ideal  Republic 

The  Law  of  Rewards 

The  Mount  of  Beatitudes     . 

The  Mysteries  of  Nature     . 

The  Paramount  Issue 

The  Presidency     . 

The  Real   Defenders   of   Property 

The  Scholar   in   Government 


203 

203 

204 

206 

207 

209 

158 

42 

54 

24 

98 

128 

26 

108 

96 

116 

75 

59 

74 

194 

64 

38 

192 

146 

179 

50 


CONTENTS 


The  Secret  of  Life      .        . 
The  Spring  as  an  Illustration 

The  Tariff  

"Fat  Frying"         .... 

Two  Arguments    .... 

The  Great  Home  Industry    . 

Business  and  the  Tariff 

That  Tariff  Commission 
The  Tomb  of  Napoleon 
The  Twenty-third  Psalm      . 
The  Vice-Presidency     .... 

The  Wise  Age 

"Thou  Shalt  Not  Steal"      . 
Three  Kinds  of  Government 

Tolstoy 

Tribute  to  Jefferson  .... 
Trusts,  Corporations  and  Railroad  Regulat  on 

"Good  and  Bad"   Trusts 

Railroad  Regulation 

Corporations  . 

Trusts  

Private  Monopoly 

Two    Systems 

Union  ...... 

Valuable  Assets 

War 

"What  is  the  Explanation  of  Bryan"  . 
Wm.  J.  Bryan— A  Well-Rounded  Man 
Winning  by  Justice  .... 


PAGE 

126 

80 

255 

255 

257 

259 

261 

261 

89 

63 

151 

49 

297 

47 

42 

118 

263 

263 

264 

265 

266 

273 

70 

105 

44 

35 

9 

19 

52 


It  is  not  possible  in  so  small  a  volume  as 
this  to  quote,  from  Mr.  Bryan's  speeches,  all 
of  the  paragraphs  that  are  entitled  to  rank  as 
eloquent  and  instructive.  The  selections  have 
been  made  with  the  view  of  showing  the 
wide  range  taken  by  Nebraska's  distinguished 
citizen  in  his  public  addresses;  and  showing, 
also,  that  the  same  high  ideals  controlling  his 
political  conduct  rule  in  other  affairs  of  life. 

If,  through  the  perusal  of  this  little  vol- 
ume, those  men  and  women  who  have  been 
taught  false  notions  concerning  Mr.  Bryan, 
learn  that  he  is  a  true  and  manly  man  who 
believes  that  the  gifts  with  which  Nature  has 
endowed  him  are  veritable  commands  to 
render  service  to  his  fellows,  then  they  will 
know  "the  real  Bryan;"  then  they  will  know 
him  even  as  he  is  known  by  every  Nebraska 
neighbor  who  has  had  the  advantage  of 
intimate  acquaintance  with  the  man. 

R.  L.  M. 


t*  tfc*  (Explanation  of 

"Will  some  one  please  stand  up  and  explain  this 
man  Bryan — the  Phoenix  who  arises  from  the  ashes 
of  defeat  stronger,  better  loved  than  ever?"  This  ques- 
tion was  asked  by  a  Pittsburg,  Pa.,  man  in  a  letter 
printed  in  the  Christian  Union  Herald.  This  man 
had  seen  (to  use  his  own  language)  "a  wonderful 
thing  come  to  pass."  He  had  seen  William  J.  Bryan 
"flouted  by  us  easterners  as  a  wild-eyed  disturber  of 
the  peace"  entering  Pittsburg,  "a  city  which  gave  the 
biggest  comparative  majority  against  him  of  all  cities 
in  the  nation  and  greeted  by  an  enormous  crowd  with 
an  attention  and  enthusiasm  that  passeth  description, 
holding  them  under  spell  of  his  marvelous  eloquence 
for  more  than  two  long  mortal  hours  and  sending 
them  away  cheering — and  thinking."  , 

"All  this,  mark  you,"  said  the  Pittsburg  man,  "in 
the  city  of  Pittsburg — intensely  republican,  'conserva- 
tive,' tariff-loving  Pittsburg! — the  stronghold  and 
center  alike  of  his  democratic  and  republican  enemies ! 
If  this  can  occur  in  Pittsburg,  what  must  be  his  hold 
upon  the  people  in  communities  where  the  what-is-is- 
right  doctrine  is  not  revered  as  here!" 

From  these  scenes  the  Pittsburg  man  turned  and  in 
utter  perplexity  asked,  "What  is  the  explanation  of 
Bryan?" 


10  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

"What  is  the  explanation  of  Bryan?"  asked  the  Pitts- 
burg  man  and  then  he  added:  "A  magazine  writer 
attempted  recently  to  explain  him,  but  when  the  article 
was  finished  all  he  had  proved  was  that  Bryan  has 
made  a  few  honest  dollars  out  of  his  political  career, 
though  the  writer  did  not  sufficiently  emphasize  the 
phenomenon  that  a  political  career  has  at  last  resulted 
in  an  honest  if  comparatively  small  fortune.  Bigger 
fortunes  than  Bryan's  have  been  made  through  politi- 
cal careers  before  now,  but  we  are  never  tempted  to 
describe  them  as  'honest.7  " 

"What  is  the  explanation  of  Bryan?"  asked  the 
Pittsburg  man.  "Is  it  his  honesty?  There  are  many 
honest  men  in  the  nation  who  have  not  his  wonderful 
hold  on  the  hearts  of  the  people.  Is  it  his  intellect? 
His  is  not  the  most  powerful  intellect  in  the  nation, 
strong  though  it  is. 

"Is  it  his  eloquence?  We  are  still  under  the  spell 
of  his  incomparable  voice,  cutting  wit  and  forceful 
sentences,  but  we  know  that  his  eloquence  does  not 
explain  him. 

"Is  it  the  romantic  quality  of  the  career  that  began 
when  the  editor,  just  returned  from  reporting  the  con- 
vention which  nominated  his  opponent,  seizing  the 
dramatic,  critical  moment,  thrilled  several  hundred  men 
into  nominating  an  obscure  lawyer  and  writer  to  the 
highest  office  in  the  land?  Hardly!" 

Nor  in  the  opinion  of  this  Pittsburger  is  the  expla- 
nation to  be  found  in  the  combination  of  all  four  of 
the  suggested  explanations — honesty,  intellect,  elo- 
quence and  the  romantic  quality  of  career.  For,  in 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  11 

the  opinion  of  this  writer,  "The  combination  could 
never  have  brought  about  the  event  described  above 
in  Scotch-Irish,  conservative  Pittsburg.  We  have 
watched  and  studied  Pittsburgh  political  audiences  for 
several  years  and  we  have  never  seen  the  like  of  that 
which  greeted  Bryan.  No  rabble,  but  a  fine  body  of 
representative,  thoughtful  men;  not  merely  curious, 
but  attentive,  with  an  earnest  attention  that  was  not 
disturbed  by  the  magnetic  attraction  of  his  personality. 
They  listened  as  men  listen  who  have  confidence  in 
their  speaker,  in  his  sincerity  and  in  his  knowledge 
and  in  his  truthfulness." 

Sometimes  the  things  for  which  we  dig  are  to  be 
found  upon  the  surface.  When  the  Pittsburg  man 
said  that  his  neighbors  listened  to  Mr.  Bryan  "as  men 
listen  who  have  confidence  in  their  speaker,  in  his 
sincerity  and  in  his  knowledge  and  in  his  truthful- 
ness," he  may  have  given  the  answer  to  his  own  ques- 
tion. 

If,  however,  the  Pittsburg  writer  yet  finds  it  difficult 
to  understand  "what  is  the  explanation  of  Bryan,"  he 
might  approach  the  solution  of  the  problem  with 
higher  hopes  for  results  if  he  freed  himself  from  some 
of  the  newspaper-made  misconceptions  concerning  Mr. 
Bryan's  career.  It  is  hardly  fair  to  say  that  when 
Mr.  Bryan  was  nominated  for  the  presidency  in  1896, 
he  was  "an  obscure  lawyer  and  writer."  Six  years 
before  his  nomination  for  the  presidency  he  had  been 
nominated  by  the  democrats  as  a  candidate  for  con- 
gress in  what  seemed  to  be  a  hopelessly  republican  dis- 
trict. In  1888  the  republican  candidate  had  carried 


12  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

that  district  by  a  large  plurality.  In  1890  Mr.  Bryan 
carried  that  district  by  6,700  plurality,  although  he 
had  a  populist  opponent  who  received  13,086  votes. 
I  think  it  is  admitted  in  Nebraska  that  this  result  was 
largely  due  to  the  fact  that  Mr.  Bryan  and  his  oppo- 
nent engaged  in  a  joint  debate.  While  the  republican 
candidate  was  an  able  and  resourceful  lawyer  and  had 
committed  himself  to  some  of  the  reforms  then  growing 
in  popular  favor,  Mr.  Bryan  plainly  won  the  honors 
in  a  debate  noted  alike  for  its  vigor  and  good  humor. 

In  1892  Mr.  Bryan  was  re-elected,  although  his  con- 
gressional district  had  been  rearranged  leaving  it  com- 
posed largely  of  republican  counties. 

During  his  first  term— on  March  16,  1892— Mr. 
Bryan  made  his  great  tariff  speech  in  the  House  of 
Representatives.  And  on  that  occasion — as  will  here- 
after be  shown  by  witnesses  that  may  not  be  said  to  be 
partisans  of  the  Nebraskan — he  became  a  national 
figure.  Those  who  had  the  privilege  of  hearing  that 
speech  will  not  forget  it;  nor  will  they  fail  to  re- 
member the  stirring  scenes  enacted  at  its  close.  Bryan 
began  his  address  at  2:30  o'clock  in  the  afternoon 
and  closed  at  5 :30. 

Over  the  report  of  that  speech  the  New  York  World 
carried  the  following  headlines: 

''Bryan  Downed  Them  All." 

"Nebraska's  Young  Congressman  Scores  a  Triumph 
in  the  House." 

"His  Maiden  Speech  a  Brilliant  Plea  for  Tariff 
Reform." 

"Mr.  Raines,  of  New  York,  and  Messrs.  McKenna 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  13 

and  Lind  Interrupt  Him  with  Questions  and  are 
Silenced  by  Sharp  Replies." 

"Party  Leaders  Enthusiastically  Applaud  the  Orator, 
and  His  Speech  is  the  Talk  of  Washington." 

Concerning  that  speech  I  now  quote  from  the  reports 
made  by  the  New  York  World,  the  New  York  Sun,  the 
Washington  Post,  the  New  York  Herald  and  the  New 
York  Times. 

The  New  York  World- said:  "When  Speaker  Crisp 
appointed  Mr.  Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  one  of  the  com- 
mittee on  Ways  and  Means,  some  criticism  was  made 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  a  new  member  and  inex- 
perienced in  tariff  legislation.  But  Mr.  Bryan,  today, 
in  a  three-hours'  speech,  made  the  biggest  hit  of  the 
debate  and  confirmed  the  Speaker's  judgment  of  his 
ability.  No  more  dramatic  speech  has  been  delivered 
at  this  session.  Mr.  Bryan  has  the  clear-cut  features 
of  the  Randall  type.  He  spoke  without  notes,  and  his 
baritone  voice  made  the  chamber  ring.  The  repub- 
licans sought  to  take  advantage  of  his  inexperience  in 
Congress  by  interrupting  him  with  questions,  which 
would  have  puzzled  much  older  heads.  But  Mr.  Bryan 
brightened  under  this  friction  and  forced  one  repub- 
lican after  another  into  his  seat.  Old  campaigners  of 
the  Reed  school,  like  Raines,  of  New  York,  and  Mc- 
Kenna,  of  California,  found  the  young  Nebraskan 
more  than  their  match.  A  lawyer  by  profession,  Mr. 
Bryan  argued  his  case  with  a  dramatic  directness  that 
aroused  not  only  the  enthusiasm  of  the  democrats,  but 
won  the  applause  of  the  galleries.  When  Mr.  Bryan 
finished,  the  galleries  applauded  for  fully  five  min- 


14  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

utes,  and  democrats  and  republicans  gathered  about 
him  and  shook  his  hand  warmly.  This  speech  has 
been  a  revelation.  No  new  member  has  received  such 
an  ovation  in  years.  Mr.  Bryan's  speech  was  the  talk 
of  the  town  to-night." 

The  Washington  Post  said:  "If,  like  Byron,  Con- 
gressman Bryan,  of  Nebraska,  does  not  wake  this 
morning  and  find  himself  famous,  then  all  the  eulogies 
that  were  being  passed  on  him  in  hotel  corridors  were 
meaningless.  There  was  hardly  anything  else  talked 
about,  except  the  wonderfully  brilliant  speech  of  the 
young  Nebraskan  of  the  House." 

The  New  York  Sun  said :  "William  Jennings  Bryan, 
the  young  democratic  leader  from  Nebraska,  whom 
Speaker  Crisp  placed  on  the  Ways  and  Means  Commit- 
tee against  the  protest  of  a  large  element  in  the  House, 
distinguished  himself  today  by  making  the  'star' 
speech  of  the  present  session  on  the  tariff  question. 
Mr.  Bryan  astonished  his  associates  and  the  occupants 
of  the  crowded  galleries  by  an  exhibition  of  finished 
oratory  seldom  witnessed  in  the  halls  of  Congress.  He 
is  only  thirty  years  old,  is  tall  and  well  built,  with  a 
clean-shaven  face  and  jet  black  hair.  Charley  O'Neil, 
the  father  of  the  House,  as  he  is  called,  says  Mr.  Bryan 
looks  something  as  the  late  Samuel  Jackson  Randall 
looked  twenty-five  years  ago.  An  hour  was  given  Mr. 
Bryan  to  speak,  but  when  that  time  elapsed  there  was 
a  general  chorus  of  'Go  on,  go  on,'  from  both  sides  of 
the  House.  Members  lingered  in  their  seats  and  the 
spectators  remained  in  the  galleries  till  5:12  o'clock, 
so  intent  were  they  in  hearing  the  young  orator  from 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  15 

the  West.  Not  only  was  he  logical,  but  he  was  practi- 
cal, and  won  for  himself  a  place  among  the  House 
orators  beside  the  silver-toned  Breckinridge,  of  Ken- 
tucky, or  the  calm-voiced  Henderson  of  Iowa." 

The  New  York  Herald  said :  "As  Mr.  Bryan  took  his 
seat  he  was  the  recipient  of  hearty  congratulations 
from  his  party  colleagues.  Although  this  was  his 
maiden  speech,  he  showed  every  quality  of  a  fine  ora- 
tor. No  member  who  has  addressed  the  House  thus 
far  upon  the  tariff  question  has  received  the  same 
attention  which  was  accorded  to  the  young  Nebraskan." 

The  New  York  Times  said:  "For  most  of  the  time 
since  the  tariff  battle  in  the  House  began,  the  demo- 
crats have  been  attacking  the  republicans'  position 
largely  with  oratorical  firecrackers.  Some  of  these  ex- 
plosives made  a  merry  crackling,  but  not  enough  of  it 
fully  to  wake  up  the  deliberate  body,  and  certainly  not 
enough  fully  to  arrest  the  attention  of  many  persons 
out  of  the  House.  Today,  almost  with  the  effect  of  an 
ambuscade,  the  democrats  uncovered  a  fen-inch  gun, 
and  for  two  hours  shelled  the  surprised  enemy  so 
effectively,  that  the  protectionist  batteries,  at  first 
manned  with  spirit,  but  supplied  with  very  light  guns, 
were  silenced,  Gunner  Raines  (republican,  New  York) 
coming  out  of  the  engagement  with  a  badly-battered 
muzzle,  and  with  the  conviction,  probably,  that  he 
would  be  compelled  next  time  to  put  in  more  powder 
and  employ  newer  and  more  modern  projectiles.  The 
man  who  today  ceased  to  be  a  new  and  young  unknown 
member,  and  jumped  at  once  into  the  position  of  the 
best  tariff  speaker  in  ten  years,  was  Representative 


16  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

Bryan,  democrat,  of  Nebraska.  To  be  a  representative 
from  Nebraska  implies  a  condition  of  revolution  in 
that  state;  but  it  also  means  something  more  in  the 
case  of  Mr.  Bryan  that  was  not  suspected  before  by 
those  who  are  not  familiar  with  his  reputation  at  home. 
Some  of  the  men  who  supported  Mills  were  in  doubt 
at  the  time  of  the  caucus  about  his  soundness  gener- 
ally, as  he  was  one  of  the  four  Springer  men  who  stuck 
to  Springer  after  'the  last  button  was  off  his  coat/ 
and  when  the  votes  of  the  four  would  have  elected 
Mills  instead  of  Crisp.  After  his  speech  of  today 
there  can  be  no  doubt  about  where  he  stands  on  the 
tariff  question.  There  can  be  no  doubt  about  his 
power  of  oratory  and  argument,  and  Mr.  Raines,  who 
is  apt  at  a  certain  shallow  sort  of  sophistical  cross- 
questioning,  will  probably  admit  that  Mr.  Bryan  is 
able  to  hold  his  own  with  a  veteran  in  the  black-horse 
cavalry.  For  two  hours  and  a  half  Mr.  Bryan  held 
the  floor  and  his  audience,  being  urged  to  go  on  after 
his  hour  had  expired,  and  being  inspired  to  still  fur- 
ther continue  by  shouts  of  'Go  on,'  'Go  on,'  when  he 
indicated  a  modest  desire  to  bring  his  long  speech  to  a 
close.  Having  a  graceful  figure,  a  little  above  the 
average  height,  Mr.  Bryan  is  not  unlike  Carlisle  in 
feature,  but  not  so  spare.  His  face  is  smooth  shaved 
and  the  features  are  strong  and  well  marked.  His 
voice  is  clear  and  strong,  his  language  plain  but  not 
lacking  in  grace.  He  uses  illustrations  effectively,  and 
he  employs  humor  and  sarcasm  with  admirable  facility. 
The  applause  that  greeted  him  was  as  spontaneous  as 
it  was  genuine." 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  17 

Although  Mr.  Bryan's  newspaper  opponents  have  told 
the  world  that  Nebraska  has  often  recorded  its  political 
vote  against  him,  they  have  not  given  the  testimony 
that  will  be  cheerfully  borne  by  any  reputable  citizen 
of  this  state:  That  William  J.  Bryan  has  never  met 
with  political  reverses,  but  that  he  was  accompanied  by 
thousands  of  men  who,  having  had  every  opportunity 
for  the  study  of  the  man,  trusted  him  implicitly  and 
admired  him  for  the  philosophy  with  which  he  met 
defeat,  the  vigor  with  which  he  waged  battle  and  the 
honesty  with  which  he  defended  conviction. 

And  these  will  also  say  that  in  this  day  Mr.  Bryan 
is  stronger  in  Nebraska  than  at  any  other  time  in  his 
career.  He  has  won  the  way  to  the  hearts  of  Nebras- 
kans — regardless  of  political  prejudice. 

If  I  were  asked  to  answer  the  question,  "What  is 
the  explanation  of  Bryan?"  I  would  quote  the  con- 
cluding paragraph  of  an  editorial  that  appeared  in  the 
Omaha  Daily  World-Herald  during  the  closing  hours 
of  the  congressional  campaign  of  1890.  It  was  good 
then ;  it  is  good  now : 

"Nature  has  gifted  Mr.  Bryan  with  a  remarkable 
face — such  a  face  as  could  be  carved  on  a  coin  and  not 
be  out  of  place.  He  has  a  physical  vigor  which  makes 
his  unstudied  gestures  forcible  and  emphatic.  He  has 
an  eye  which  is  by  turns  commanding  and  humorous. 
And  he  has  a  voice  which  is  equally  adapted  to  ten- 
derness or  to  denunciation.  All  these  natural  gifts 
has  William  J.  Bryan  and  to  them  is  added  a  talent 
for  research,  a  genius  for  accuracy,  and  a  nature  for 
truth.  Let  Nebraska  congratulate  herself  on  the  fact 


18  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

that  she  has  an  orator  who  possesses  the  physical  and 
mental  qualities  to  make  him  a  remarkable  man  in 
the  history  of  this  nation.  And  if  the  World-Herald 
reads  the  stars  aright,  the  time  will  come  when  W.  J. 
Bryan  will  have  a  reputation  which  will  reach  far 
beyond  Nebraska — and  it  will  be  a  reputation  for  the 
performance  of  good  deeds."  R.  L.  M. 


(An  appreciation — by  John  H.  Atwood,  Leavenworth, 
Kansas.) 

Primarily,  Mr.  Bryan  is  a  well-rounded  man.  Many 
who  have  and  do  fill  the  public  eye  may  bear  inspec- 
tion in  their  public  aspects,  while  their  private  lives 
are  best  left  in  the  shadow.  Such  men  are  like  statues 
made  to  be  placed  in  niches;  the  front  is  the  front  of 
a  statesman  or  philosopher,  while  the  back  is  but  un- 
carved  ugliness.  But  the  Nebraskan  you  can  view 
from  any  side,  and  you  always  see  a  man,  a  whole  man. 
Every  phase  of  his  character  will  sustain  study,  and 
nothing  need  be  slurred  over  in  order  to  find  all  com- 
mendable. 

I  have  known  him  well  for  nearly  twenty  years.  In 
1890  he  was  the  young  country  lawyer  leading  the 
democratic  forlorn  hope  against  Congressman  Connell 
in  the  First  Nebraska  district;  a  forlorn  hope  that  his 
genius  transformed  into  a  victory  as  splendid  as  it  was 
unexpected.  During  the  campaign  he  was  a  repre- 
sentative to  a  Modern  Woodman  council,  where  he  met 
E.  E.  Murphy,  of  Leavenworth,  then  and  now  one  of 
the  leading  democrats  of  Kansas.  Mr.  Murphy  was 
greatly  taken  with  Mr.  Bryan  and  invited  him  to  be  a 

19 


20  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

guest  and  speaker  at  the  democratic  dinner  to  be  held 
that  fall  under  the  auspices  of  the  Bandana  Club  of 
Leavenworth.  The  invitation  was  accepted,  condi- 
tioned upon  his  being  elected.  He  was  elected,  and 
came,  and  saw,  and  spoke  and  conquered,  and  Kansas 
has  been  his  from  that  hour.  My  acquaintance  with 
him  dates  from  that  night,  and  we  saw  each  other  not 
infrequently  during  the  succeeding  years.  .  .  . 

Mr.  Bryan's  judgment  of  himself  is  largely  at  vari- 
ance with  that  of  the  world.  He  is  generally  thought 
of  as  a  kind  of  verbal  necromancer;  and  at  times  he  is 
marvelous.  But  his  notion  as  expressed  to  me  in  sub- 
stance several  times,  is  found  in  what  he  said  when  we 
were  together  on  one  occasion  in  Kansas  City :  "I  don't 
consider  myself  eloquent  as  that  word  is  ordinarily 
used.  Suqh  strength  as  I  have  as  a  speaker  lies  in  two 
things:  The  people  know  that  I  am  in  earnest,  and 
they  can  understand  all  I  say."  And,  while  at  issue 
with  him  as  to  the  first  part  of  that  statement,  I  quite 
agree  with  him  in  the  last.  Read  one  of  his  speeches 
analytically,  and  it  will  at  once  appear  that  simplicity 
and  clarity  are  its  distinguishing  marks.  Sesquipedality 
can  never  be  charged  against  his  speeches.  All  is  so 
simple  that  not  only  he  who  runs  may  read,  but  the 
slowest  thinking  man  can  understand.  Like  Gold- 
smith's, his  vocabulary  is  largely  Saxon,  the  tongue 
of  the  plain  people;  and  both  have  demonstrated  that 
little  Norman  French  or  Anglicized  Latin  is  needed  to 
make  a  verbal  gamut  great  enough  for  even  the  greatest 
of  the  lingual  masters. 

I  have  been  charged  with  being  a  Bryanophile,  an 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  21 

unreasoning  Bryaa  lover,  but  I  do  not  think  that  my 
judgment  has  been  unduly  biased.  That  I  am  biased 
to  a  degree,  I  concede.  I  want  to  be  biased.  The  man 
who  is  not  biased  in  favor  of  his  friend  is  not  entitled 
to  the  friendship  of  that  friend.  But  I  don't  think  my 
bias  blinds  me.  I  recognize  that  while  a  mighty  good 
man,  he  is  still  a  man.  One  of  his  weaknesses,  as  I  view 
his  character,  is  its  strength — to  use  an  Irishism.  He 
is  slow  to  change,  even  when  changed  conditions  make 
it  at  least  politic  and  possibly  wise  to  do  so.  A  pretty 
good  fault,  most  will  say;  and,  indeed,  just  when 
strength  of  purpose  becomes  obstinacy,  who  can  say? 
In  his  private  business  affairs,  he  is  prudent,  careful. 
His  Scotch-Irish  blood  will  serve  as  guarantee  against 
a  Bryan  administration  ever  indulging  in  such  a 
saturnalia  of  extravagance  as  has  been  made  common 
by  recent  republican  regimes. 

Time  has  demonstrated  that  Bryan  has  generally 
been  right  on  public  questions. 

But  great  as  is  his  recognized  ability — yet  the  foun- 
dation and  keystone  of  his  strength  with  the  people  is 
quarried  from  their  faith  in  his  honesty.  The  people 
have  been  surfeited  with  smart  scamps,  and  cunning 
criminals,  government  grafters  and  senatorial  short- 
change men — they  want  honest  men.  They  want  the 
head  to  be  right,  but  more,  they  want  the  heart  to  be 
right ;  and  that  Bryan's  heart  beats  with  and  for  them, 
they  know. 

Bryan's  notions  of  duty  are  glimpsed  through  what 
happened  in  1898.  I  was  strongly  opposed  to  his  being 
a  soldier  participant  in  the  Spanish-American  war.  I 


22  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

felt  sure  that  the  republican  administration  would  not 
permit  him  to  do  any  fighting,  would  compel  him  to 
be  a  holiday  soldier,  and  then  accuse  him  of  being 
what  they  compelled  him  to  be,  and  thus  attempt  to 
hold  him  up  to  ridicule.  All  this  I  urged  upon  him, 
but  his  answer  was  characteristic:  "Don't  you  think  a 
man  will  be  kept  pretty  busy  if  he  does  his  duty,  with- 
out attempting  to  control  all  the  consequences?" 

Bryan's  greatness  is  like  that  of  Washington  and 
Lincoln,  in  that  ramifying  every  part  of  it  is  the  moral 
element;  the  particles  that  compose  it  are  pure. 

It  is  said  he  cannot  be  president  because  the  great 
men  of  the  nation  are  rarely  chosen ;  and  as  proof  the 
disappointed  ambitions  of  Webster,  Clay  and  Elaine 
are  pointed  to.  What  of  Jefferson,  Jackson  and  Lin- 
coln ?  And  besides,  the  disappointed  ones  named,  great 
as  they  were,  yet  lacked  a  roundness  on  the  moral  side 
without  which  the  complete  confidence  of  the  people 
is  seldom  commanded.  Mr.  Bryan  would  give  to  the 
high  office  of  president  the  simple  dignity  of  the  elder 
days,  a  thing  that  has  been  replaced  in  recent  years 
by  a  cunning  charlatanry.  His  life  is  clean  and  his 
purpose  is  pure,  and  for  such  an  one  the  hour  cries 
aloud.  [Extracts  from  a  newspaper  article  written  by 
Mr,  Atwood,  Sept.  28,  1907.} 


THE  REAL  BRYAN 


A  FAR-REACHING  PLATFORM 

We  are  interested  in  platforms;  we  attend  conven- 
tions, sometimes  traveling  long  distances;  we  have 
wordy  wars  over  the  phraseology  of  various  planks  and 
then  we  wage  earnest  campaigns  to  secure  the  endorse- 
ment of  these  platforms  at  the  polls.  But  the  plat- 
form given  to  the  world  by  the  Nazarene  is  more  far- 
reaching  and  more  comprehensive  than  any  platform 
ever  written  by  the  convention  of  any  party  in  any 
country.  When  He  condensed  into  one  commandment 
those  of  the  ten  which  relate  to  man's  duty  toward 
his  fellows  and  enjoined  upon  us  the  rule,  "  Thou  shalt 
love  thy  neighbor  as  thyself,"  He  presented  a  plan 
for  the  solution  of  all  the  problems  that  now  vex  so- 
ciety or  may  hereafter  arise.  Other  remedies  may  pal- 
liate or  postpone  the  day  of  settlement  but  this  is  all- 
sufficient  and  the  reconciliation  which  it  effects  is  a 
permanent  one.  [From  "The  Prince  of  Peace"  an 
address  delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  on  various  occasions.} 


DEVELOPMENT  OF  THE  INDIVIDUAL 

The  development  of  the  individual  is  never  com- 
plete.   Solomon  describes  the  path  of  the  just  as  "like 

23 


24  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

the  shining  light  that  shineth  more  and  more  unto  the 
perfect  day,"  and  Holland,  putting  the  same  into  verse, 
says: 

"Heaven  is  not  gained  by  a  single  bound. 

We  build  the  ladder  by  which  we  rise 
From  the  lowly  earth  to  the  vaulted  skies, 

And  mount  to  its  summit  round  by  round." 

So,  with  the  work  of  government  and  the  work  of 
civilization.  We  find  an  unfinished  work  when  we  ar- 
rive; we  leave  the  work  unfinished  when  we  are  called 
hence.  Each  day  marks  out  our  duty  for  us,  and  it  is 
for  us  to  devote  ourselves  to  it,  whatever  it  may  be. 
with  high  purpose  and  unfaltering  courage.  Whether 
we  live  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  our  efforts  or  lay  down 
the  work  before  the  victory  is  won,  we  know  that  every 
well-spoken  word  has  its  influence;  that  no  good  deed 
is  ever  lost.  And  we  know,  also,  that  no  one  can  count 
his  life  on  earth  as  spent  in  vain,  if  when  he  departs, 
it  can  be  said:  "The  night  is  darker  because  his  light 
has  gone  out;  the  world  is  not  so  warm  because  his 
heart  has  grown  cold  in  death."  [Address  entitled 
"Man,"  delivered  at  Commencement  Day  exercises, 
Nebraska  State  University,  June  15,  1905.] 


THE  BALLOT 

There  is  one  citizen  in  this  country  who  can  prove 
himself  unworthy  of  the  ballot  which  has  been  given 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  25 

to  him,  and  he  is  the  citizen  who  either  sells  it  or  per- 
mits it  to  be  wrested  from  him  under  coercion.  When- 
ever a  man  offers  you  pay  for  your  vote  he  insults 
your  manhood^  and  you  ought  to  have  no  respect  for 
him.  And  the  man,  who  instead  of  insulting  your 
manhood  by  an  offer  of  purchase,  attempts  to  in- 
timidate you,  to  coerce  you,  insults  your  citizenship  as 
well  as  your  manhood.  [Speech  in  Chicago  in  1896.] 


CLASS  HATRED 

I  have  sometimes  been  accused  of  arraying  class 
against  class.  The  man  who  accuses  me  of  it  has  never 
read  my  speeches.  I  have  never  intentionally — and  I 
think  I  can  even  say  I  never  have  unintentionally — 
said  anything  that  could  be  properly  construed  as  an 
attempt  to  array  class  against  class.  I  have  read  many 
descriptions  of  Heaven,  but  I  have  never  yet  read  a 
description  of  Heaven  where  there  were  two — one  for 
the  rich  and  one  for  the  poor.  If  the  rich  and  poor 
must  live  together  forever  in  one  heaven  hereafter, 
can  not  we  do  something  towards  getting  them  ac- 
quainted here,  so  that  they  will  not  have  to  be  intro- 
duced when  they  reach  the  other  side?  What  are  we 
doing  to  solve  this  question?  I  believe  that  Tolstoy 
is  right  when  he  says  that  the  great  trouble  today — 
a  trouble  that  manifests  itself  in  all  these  questions — 
is  the  lack  of  sympathy  between  man  and  man;  and 
for  twenty-nine  years,  clad  in  the  garb  of  a  peasant 


26  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

and  living  the  simple  life  of  a  peasant,  he  has  been 
preaching  out  unto  all  the  world  a  philosophy  that 
rests  upon  the  doctrine  "Thou  shalt  love  the  Lord  thy 
God  with  all  thy  heart  and  thy  neighbor  as  thyself." 
[From  address  entitled  "Democracy's  Appeal  to  Cul- 
ture," delivered  before  the  Alumni  Association  of 
Syracuse  University  at  Hotel  Astor,  New  York,  Jan. 
27,  1905.} 


THE  DIGNITY  OF  LABOR 

The  odium  which  rests  upon  the  work  of  the  hand 
has  exerted  a  baneful  influence  the  world  around.  The 
theory  that  idleness  is  more  honorable  than  toil — that 
it  is  more  respectable  to  consume  what  others  have  pro- 
duced than  to  be  a  producer  of  wealth — has  not  only 
robbed  society  of  an  enormous  sum  but  it  has  created 
an  almost  impassable  gulf  between  the  leisure  classes 
and  those  who  support  them.  Tolstoy  is  right  in  as- 
serting that  most  of  the  perplexing  problems  of  society 
grow  out  of  the  lack  of  sympathy  between  man  and 
man.  Because  some  imagine  themselves  above  work 
while  others  see  before  them  nothing  but  a  life  of 
drudgery  there  is  constant  warring  and  much  of  bit- 
terness. When  men  and  women  become  ashamed  of 
doing  nothing  and  strive  to  give  to  society  full  com- 
pensation for  all  they  receive  from  society  there  will 
be  harmony  between  the  classes. 

While  Europe  and  America  have  advanced  far  be- 
yond the  Orient  in  placing  a  proper  estimate  upon 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  27 

those  who  work,  even  our"  nations  have  not  yet  fully 
learned  the  lesson  that  employment  at  some  useful  avo- 
cation is  essential  to  the  physical  health,  intellectual 
development  and  moral  growth.  If  America  and  Eng- 
land are  to  meet  the  requirements  of  their  high  posi- 
tions they  must  be  prepared  to  present  in  the  lives 
of  their  citizens  examples,  increasing  in  number,  of 
men  and  women  who  find  delight  in  contributing  to 
the  welfare  of  their  fellows,  and  this  ought  not  to  be 
difficult,  for  every  department  of  human  activity  has  a 
fascination  of  its  own.  The  agricultural  colleges  and 
industrial  schools  which  have  sprung  up  in  so  many 
localities  are  evidence  that  a  higher  ideal  is  spreading 
among  the  people.  [From  address  entitled  "The 
White  Man's  Burden,"  delivered  before  The  American 
Society,  London,  July  4-,  1906.} 


ENFORCING  THE  LAW 

They  tell  you  that  I  will  not  enforce  the  law.  My 
friends,  the  fear  of  these  people  is  not  that  I  will  refuse 
to  enforce  the  law;  their  fear  is  that  I  will  enforce  the 
law.  They  know  that  I  entertain  old  fashioned  ideas 
upon  this  subject,  and  that  according  to  my  ideas  the 
big  criminals  should  wear  striped  clothes  as  well  as 
the  little  criminals.  I  want  to  say  to  you  that  I  be- 
lieve in  enforcing  the  law  against  all  classes  of  society ; 
and  those  who  believe  in  that  policy  are  better  friends 
of  the  government  than  those  who  would  make  scape- 


28  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

goats  of  little  criminals  and  then  let  the  big  ones  run 
at  large  to  run  the  government  iteelf.  The  very 
men  who  would  suffer  the  most  from  the  enforcement 
of  law  are  the  ones  who  seem  to  be  most  troubled. 
They  are  not  afraid  that  I  will  encourage  lawlessness, 
but  they  know  that,  if  I  am  elected,  the  trusts  will  not 
select  the  attorney-general.  [Address  in  Chicago  in 
1896.} 


FRATERNITY 

On  an  occasion  like  this  a  number  of  themes  sug- 
gest themselves.  The  word  "fraternity"  comes  to  us 
at  such  a  time  for  we  meet  under  the  auspices  of  one 
of  the  greatest  fraternities  of  this  nation,  and  the  hour 
might  well  be  occupied  in  speaking  of  the  great  work 
that  the  fraternity  is  accomplishing  throughout  the 
world.  Among  the  great  forces  that  are  at  work  draw- 
ing men  closer  together,  teaching  them  to  recognize 
the  tie  that  binds  each  to  every  other,  the  fraternity 
occupies  an  important  place.  And  the  virtues  upon 
which  the  fraternity  rests — any  of  these  would  furnish 
an  appropriate  theme.  The  equality  that  is  taught  in 
the  lodge  room  would  in  itself  justify  the  existence 
of  the  fraternity,  especially  at  this  time  when  we  need 
to  learn  over  and  over  again  that  the  worth  of  the  indi- 
vidual depends  not  upon  what  he  possesses,  or  upon 
distinguished  lineage  but  upon  the  manner  in  which 
he  performs  the  responsibilities  that  rest  upon  him; 
and  our  fraternity  teaches  this  idea  of  equality.  Hos- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  29 

pitality  is  one  of  the  virtues  of  our  fraternity,  and  I 
think  I  can  say  without  offending  those  who  belong  to 
other  fraternities  of  which  I  am  a  member,  that  no 
fraternity  in  this  land  is  more  distinguished  for  hos- 
pitality. At  home  we  can  measure  a  man  by  what  we 
know  of  him,  and  his  position  can  rest  upon  his  merits. 
But  when  a  stranger  comes  among  us  we  must  assume 
the  existence  of  virtues  before  we  have  an  opportunity 
to  test  them ;  and  throughout  this  land  the  homes  that 
have  been  established  by  the  Elks  have  the  latch  string 
ever  out.  And  no  order  that  exists  among  us  extends 
a  more  cordial  welcome  to  the  visiting  brother,  or 
shows  to  him  a  more  constant  courtesy  and  care. 

Charity  is  a  virtue  and  this  fraternity  is  conspicuous 
for  what  it  does  in  the  name  of  sweet  charity.  And  it 
is  a  gracious  thing  in  this  fraternity  that  while  it 
gives,  gives  willingly,  and  gives  freely,  it  does  not 
record  the  name  of  the  one  to  whom  it  gives,  that  no 
humiliation  shall  ever  come  to  one  who  has  been  the 
recipient  of  this  fraternity's  bounty.  In  charity  no 
other  order  surpasses  ours. 

Brotherly  love  is  another  virtue  upon  which  one 
might  dwell  today.  For  brotherly  love  lies  back  of 
equality  and  hospitality,  and  charity.  It  is  the  idea 
of  brotherly  love  that  the  fraternity  everywhere  is 
attempting  to  teach,  and  it  is  this  idea  of  brotherly 
love  which  growing,  as  I  believe  it  is  growing  through- 
out the  world,  is  cementing  mankind  more  and  more 
closely  together.  And  it  is  this  brotherly  love  which 
in  my  judgment  is  going  to  throw  a  light  upon  our 
pathway,  and  make  it  easier  for  us  to  distinguish  the 


aO  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

duties  which  we  owe  one  to  another.  [From  address 
delivered  at  Elk's  Lodge  of  Sorrow,  Lincoln,  Neb., 
Dec.  2,  1906.'] 


RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY 

Democracy  is  indifferent  to  pedigree — it  deals  with 
the  individual  rather  than  with  his  ancestors.  De- 
mocracy ignores  differences  in  wealth — neither  riches 
nor  poverty  can  be  invoked  in  behalf  of  or  against  any 
citizen.  Democracy  knows  no  creed — recognizing  the 
right  of  each  individual  to  worship  God  according  to 
the  dictates  of  his  own  conscience ;  it  welcomes  all  to  a 
common  brotherhood  and  guarantees  equal  treatment 
to  all,  no  matter  in  what  church  or  through  what  forms 
they  commune  with  their  Creator.  [Letter  of  ac- 
ceptance in  1896.'] 


I  find  that  I  am  recalling  more  and  more  frequently 
a  story  which  I  heard  when  I  was  a  boy ;  it  has  really 
had  a  great  deal  of  influence  in  shaping  my  views  on 
church  questions.  It  was  in  a  southern  Methodist 
church  that  I  heard  it.  The  minister  said  that  there 
was  a  mill,  and  that  many  people  brought  wheat  to 
the  mill  by  several  roads.  When  they  arrived  with 
the  wheat — some  coming  by  one  road  and  some  by 
another — some  over  the  hill  and  some  along  the 
stream — the  miller  never  asked  them  by  what  road  they 
came,  but  simply  whether  the  wheat  was  good. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  31 

That  was  years  ago,  but  I  have  thought  of  that  story 
many,  many  times,  and  it  has  made  me  feel  that  if  we 
are  one  in  the  essentials  we  can  afford  to  be  charitable 
towards  each  other  in  the  non-essentials,  and  all  the 
branches  of  the  Christian  church  are  one  in  the  great 
fundamental  principles  of  religion.  [From  address 
entitled  "Democracy's  Appeal  to  Culture,"  delivered 
before  the  Alumni  Association  of  Syracuse  University 
at  Hotel  Astor,  New  York,  Jan.  27,  1905.} 


"ASK  THE  MOTHER" 

Ask  the  mother  who  holds  in  her  arms  her  boy, 
what  her  ideal  is  concerning  him  and  she  will  tell  you 
that  she  desires  that  his  heart  may  be  so  pure  that  it  could 
be  laid  upon  a  pillow  and  not  leave  a  stain;  that  his 
ambition  may  -be  so  holy  that  it  could  be  whispered 
in  an  angel's  ear;  and  that  his  life  may-be  so  clean 
that  his  mother,  his  sister,  his  wife,  his  child  could 
read  a  record  of  its  every  thought  and  act  without  a 
blush.  But  ask  her  if  she  will  require  this  perfection 
in  her  son  before  she  showers  her  love  upon  him,  and 
she  will  answer  "No."  She  will  tell  you  that  she  will 
make  him  as  good  as  she  can ;  that  she  will  follow  his 
footsteps  with  a  daily  prayer;  that  in  whatever  land 
he  wanders  her  blessing  will  abide  with  him ;  and  that 
when  he  dies  she'll  hope,  hope,  yet  hope  that  the  world 
will  be  better  that  he  has  lived.  This  is  all  that  she 
can  do.  All  that  any  of  us  can  do  for  ourselves  or  for 


32  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

others  is  the  best  that  opportunity  and  circumstances 
permit.  [From  address  entitled  "Man,"  delivered  at 
Commencement  Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  Univer- 
sity, June  15,  190-5. .] 


DEMOCRACY 

A  democrat  may  be  pardoned  for  cherishing  a  high 
regard  for  the  land  that  coined  the  word,  democracy. 
The  derivation  of  the  word — from  demos,  the  people, 
and  kratein,  to  rule — makes  it  an  appropriate  one  to 
describe  a  government  based  upon  popular  will.  And 
as  governments  more  and  more  recognize  the  citizen  as 
the  sovereign  and  the  people  as  the  source  of  all  politi- 
cal power,  the  world's  debt  to  Greece  will  be  more  and 
more  fully  appreciated.  She  not  only  gave  to  language 
a  word  accurately  expressing  the  idea  of  self-govern- 
ment, but  she  proved  by  experience  the  wisdom  of 
trusting  the  people  with  the  management  of  all  public 
affairs.  [From  letter  on  Greece.'] 


CIVILIZATION 

If  civilization  can  be  defined — and  I  know  of  no 
better  definition — as  the  harmonious  development  of 
the  human  race,  physically,  mentally  and  morally, 
then  each  individual,  whether  his  influence  is  percepti- 
ble or  not,  raises  the  level  of  the  civilization  of  his 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  83 

age  just  in  proportion  as  he  contributes  to  the  world's 
work  a  body,  a  mind  and  a  heart  capable  of  maximum 
effort.  No  one  lives  unto  himself  or  dies  unto  himself. 
The  tie  that  binds  each  human  being  to  every  other 
human  being  is  one  that  can  not  be  severed.  We  can 
not  without  blame  invite  a  physical  weakness  that  can 
be  avoided  or  continue  one  which  can  be  remedied. 
The  burdens  to  be  borne  are  great  enough  to  tax  the 
resources  of  all  when  service  is  rendered  under  the 
most  favorable  conditions;  no  one  has  a  right  to  offer 
less  than  the  best  within  his  power.  [Address  entitled 
"Man"  delivered  at  Commencement  Day  exercises,  Ne- 
braska State  University,  June  15,  1905.] 


MAJESTIC  NATURE 

How  puny  seems  the  works  of  man  when  brought 
into  comparison  with  majestic  nature!  His  groves, 
what  pigmies  when  measured  against  the  virgin  for- 
est! IJis  noblest  temples,  how  insignificant  when  con- 
trasted with  the  masonry  of  the  hills!  What  canvas 
can  imitate  the  dawn  and  sunset?  What  inlaid  work 
can  match  the  mosaics  of  the  mountains? 

Is  it  blind  chance  that  gives  these  glimpses  of  the 
sublime?  And  was  it  blind  chance  that  clustered  vast 
reservoirs  about  in  accessible  summits  and  stored  water 
to  refresh  the  thirsty  plains  through  hidden  veins  and 
surface  streams? 

No  wonder  man  from  the  beginning  of  history  has 


34  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

turned  to  the  heights  for  inspiration,  for  here  is  the 
spirit  awed  by  the  infinite  and  here  one  sees  both  the 
mystery  of  creation  and  the  manifestations  of  the 
Father's  loving  kindness.  Here  man  finds  a  witness, 
unimpeachable  though  silent,  to  the  Omnipotence,  the 
Omniscience  and  the  Goodness  of  God.  [From  letter 
on  Eastern  India.] 


DEFEAT 

The  friends  of  these  reforms  have  fought  a  good 
fight ;  they  have  kept  the  faith,  and  they  will  not  have 
finished  their  course  until  the  reforms  are  accom- 
plished. Let  us  be  grateful  for  the  progress  made,  and 
"with  malice  toward  none  and  charity  for  all"  begin 
the  work  of  the  next  campaign.  Those  who  fight  for 
the  right  may  be  defeated,  but  they  are  never  con- 
quered. They  may  suffer  reverses,  but  they  never  suf- 
fer disgrace.  [From  a  letter  written  Xorember  8, 
1894,  after  his  defeat  for  U.  S.  Senator.] 


AMERICANISM 

Like  all  travelers  who  have  visited  other  lands,  I 
return  with  delight  to  the  land  of  my  birth,  more 
proud  of  its  people,  with  more  confidence  in  its  gov- 
ernment and  grateful  to  the  kind  Providence  that  cast 
my  lot  in  the  United  States.  My  national  pride  has 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  35 

been  increased  because  of  the  abundant  evidence  I  have 
seen  in  the  altruistic  interest  taken  by  Americans  in 
the  people  of  other  countries.  No  other  nation  can 
show  such  a  record  of  benevolence  and  disinterested 
friendship.  My  love  for  our  form  of  government  has 
been  quickened  as  I  have  visited  castles  and  towers, 
and  peered  into  dark  dungeons  and  I  am  glad  that  our 
nation,  profiting  by  the  experience  of  the  past  and  yet 
unhampered  by  traditions  and  unfettered  by  caste,  has 
been  permitted  to  form  a  new  center  of  civilization  on 
new  soil  and  erect  here  "a  government  of  the  people, 
by  the  people  and  for  the  people."  I  also  return  more 
deeply  impressed  than  ever  before  with  the  responsi- 
bility that  rests  upon  our  nation  as  an  exemplar  among 
the  nations  and  more  solicitous  that  we,  avoiding  the 
causes  which  have  led  other  nations  to  decay,  may 
present  a  higher  ideal  than  has  ever  before  been  em- 
bodied in  a  national  life  and  carry  human  progress 
to  a  higher  plane  than  it  has  before  reached.  [From 
Madison  Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  Aug.  30, 
1906.} 


WAR 

War  is  harsh;  it  is  attended  by  hardship  and  suf- 
fering ;  it  means  a  vast  expenditure  of  men  and  money. 
We  may  well  pray  for  the  coming  of  the  day,  prom- 
ised in  Holy  Writ,  when  the  swords  shall  be  beaten  into 
plowshares  and  the  spears  into  pruning  hooks;  but 
universal  peace  cannot  come  until  Justice  is  enthroned 


36  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

throughout  the  world.  Jehovah  deals  with  nations  as 
He  deals  with  men,  and  for  both  decrees  that  the  wages 
of  sin  is  death.  Until  the  right  has  triumphed  in 
every  land  and  love  reigns  in  every  heart  government 
must,  as  a  last  resort,  appeal  to  force.  As  long  as  the 
oppressor  is  deaf  to  the  voic^e  of  reason,  so  long  must 
the  citizen  accustom  his  shoulder  to  the  musket  and 
his  hand  to  the  saber.  [Extract  from  speech  delivered 
at  Trans-Mississippi  Exposition,  Omaha,  Neb.,  June 
H,  1898.'] 


"A  WORLD  POWER" 

I  believe  that  if  our  nation  would  propose  to  make 
with  every  other  nation  a  treaty  providing  that  all 
questions  in  dispute  between  the  parties  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  The  Hague  court  or  some  other  impartial 
international  tribunal  for  investigation  and  report  be- 
fore any  declaration  of  war  or  commencement  of  hos- 
tilities, it  would  find  many  nations  willing  to  enter 
into  such  a  compact.  I  am  sure  from  the  public  utter- 
ances of  the  present  prime  minister  of  Great  Britain, 
Sir  Henry  Campbell-Ban  nerman,  that  such  a  treaty 
could  be  made  between  the  two  great  English-speaking 
nations  and  their  example  would  be  followed  until  the 
danger  of  war  would  be  almost,  if  not  entirely,  re- 
moved. To  take  the  lead  in  such  a  movement  would 
establish  our  position  as  a  world  power  in  the  best 
sense  of  the  term.  What  argument  can  be  advanced 
against  such  action  on  the  part  of  the  United  States? 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  37 

Shall  we  yield  to  any  other  nation  in  the  estimate  to 
be  placed  upon  the  value  of  human  life?  I  confess 
that  my  aversion  to  killing  increases  with  the  years. 
Surely  the  Creator  did  not  so  plan  the  universe  as  to 
make  the  progress  of  the  race  dependent  upon  whole- 
sale blood  letting.  I  prefer  to  believe  that  war,  instead 
of  being  an  agency  for  good,  is  rather  an  evidence  of 
man's  surrender  to  his  passions,  and  that  one  of  the 
tests  of  civilization  is  man's  willingness  to  submit  his 
controversies  to  the  arbitration  of  reason  rather  than 
of  force.  [From  Madison  Square  Garden,  New  York, 
speech,  Aug.  30,  1906.] 


DUTY  OF  SUPERIOR  NATIONS 

The  Christian  nations  must  lead  the  movement  for 
the  promotion  of  peace,  not  only  because  they  are  en- 
listed under  the  banner  of  the  Prince  of  Peace,  but 
also  because  they  have  attained  such  a  degree  of  intel- 
ligence that  they  can  no  longer  take  pride  in  a  purely 
physical  victory.  The  belief  that  moral  questions  can 
be  settled  by  the  shedding  of  human  blood  is  a  relic 
of  barbarism;  to  doubt  the  dynamic  power  of  right- 
eousness is  infidelity  to  truth  itself.  That  nation  which 
is  unwilling  to  trust  its  cause  to  the  universal  con- 
science or  which  shrinks  from  the  presentation  of  its 
claims  before  a  tribunal  where  reason  holds  sway 
betrays  a  laqk  of  faith  in  the  soundness  of  its  posi- 
tion. I  venture  to  suggest  that  the  world's  peace  would 


38  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

be  greatly  promoted  by  an  agreement  among  the  lead- 
ing nations  that  no  declaration  of  war  should  be  made 
until  the  submission  of  the  question  in  controversy  to 
an  impartial  court  for  investigation,  each  nation  reserv- 
ing the  right  to  accept  or  reject  the  decision.  The 
preliminary  investigation  would  in  almost  every  in- 
stance insure  an  amicable  settlement  and  the  reserved 
rights  would  be  a  sufficient  protection  against  any 
possible  injustice.  [From  address  entitled  "The  White 
Man's  Burden"  delivered  before  The  American  So- 
ciety, London,  July  4,  1906.1 


THE  MYSTERIES  OF  NATURE 

One  of  the  virtues  of  Elisha  Gray's  (author  of 
"Nature's  Miracles")  writings  is  that  he  presents  scien- 
tific truth  without  materialistic  coloring.  His  study 
of  nature  did  not  lead  him  to  forget  nature's  God.  The 
investigation  of  science  ought  to  increase  rather  than 
diminish  reverence  for  the  Creator,  for  each  new  dis- 
covery proves  more  clearly  the  wisdom  and  power  of 
the  great  Designer.  The  patterns  that  He  has  set 
invite  limitless  effort.  The  soap  bubble  presents  a 
combination  of  colors  that  the  artist  has  thus  far  failed 
to  match ;  a  pint  of  water  holds  a  latent  energy  which 
no  giant  can  boast;  the  trembling  leaf  contains  a  labo- 
ratory more  complete  than  the  chemist  has  been  able 
to  construct;  the  tiniest  seed  that  falls  to  the  ground 
a  potency  that  man  has  not  yet  fathomed. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  39 

Working  in  the  midst  of  mysteries  and  dumb  in  the 
presence  of  the  daily  miracle  of  life  we  are  constantly 
gathering  evidence  of  the  loving  kindness  of  the  In- 
finite Intelligence  who  has  so  bountifully  provided  for 
the  supplying  of  every  human  need.  [Commoner  edi- 
torial, 1905.} 


IMMORTALITY 

I  have  here  a  little  grain  of  wheat;  it  grew  more 
than  3,000  years  ago  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile.  Ten 
centuries  before  the  Babe  of  Bethlehem  was  carried 
down  into  Egypt  to  escape  the  wrath  of  Herod,  the 
stalk  upon  which  this  little  grain  matured  was  swaying 
in  the  breezes  that  fanned  the  brow  of  the  Sphinx. 
All  these  years  it  has  slumbered  in  an  ancient  tomb. 
Had  it  been  planted,  and  all  its  progeny  after  it,  the 
lineal  descendants  of  that  one  grain  would  be  numer- 
ous enough  to  feed  the  .teeming  world  loday.  In 
every  grain  of  wheat  there  is  a  germ  of  life — a  germ 
of  life  that  has  within  it  the  power  to  discard  the  body 
of  today  and  construct  from  air  and  earth  not  a  new 
body  alone,  but  many  new  bodies — and  into  each  one 
of  the  many  it  can  put  the  power  to  continue  the  work 
of  reproduction.  If  the  vital  spark  in  a  grain  of 
wheat  can  pass  unchanged  through  countless  deaths 
and  resurrections,  surely  the  spirit  of  man  will  be  able 
to  defy  the  grave.  All  nature  proclaims  that  there  is 
another  life,  and  the  belief  in  that  other  life  lends 
comfort  to  us  when,  separated  from  a  friend,  we  have 


40  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

the  assurance  that  it  is  but  for  a  time.  The  belief  in 
immortality  relieves  the  somber  character  of  an  oc- 
casion like  this,  for  we  axe  assured  that  the  congenial 
spirits  who  meet  and  mingle  here  will  hold  com- 
munion in  the  world  beyond.  Belief  in  immortality 
not  only  gives  consolation  but  it  gives  strength.  "We 
can  better  resist  the  temptation  to  do  wrong  to  others 
when  we  expect  to  meet  and  associate  with  them  in  an 
endless  world  where  our  secret  thoughts  will  be  made 
known.  [From  address  delivered  at  Elk's  Lodge  of 
Sorrow,  Lincoln,  Neb.,  Dec.  2,  1906.] 


To  every  created  thing  God  has  given  a  tongue 
that  proclaims  a  resurrection. 

If  the  Father  deigns  to  touch  with  divine  power  the 
cold  and  pulseless  heart  of  the  buried  acorn  and  to 
make  it  burst  forth  into  a  new  life,  will  He  leave  neg- 
lected in  the  earth  the  soul  of  man,  made  in  the  image 
of  his  creator?  If  He  stoops  to  give  to  the  rose  bush 
whose  withered  blossoms  float  upon  the  autumn  breeze, 
the  sweet  assurance  of  another  springtime,  will  He 
refuse  the  words  of  hope  to  the  sons  of  men  when  the 
frosts  of  winter  come?  If  matter,  mute  and  inanimate, 
though  changed  by  the  forces  of  nature  into  a  multi- 
tude of  forms,  can  never  die.  will  the  spirit  of  man 
suffer  annihilation  when  it  has  paid  a  brief  visit  like 
a  royal  guest  to  this  tenement  of  clay?  No,  I  am  as 
sure  that  there  is  another  life  as  I  am  that  I  live  today ! 
I  am  sure  that,  as  the  grain  of  wheat  contains  within 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  41 

an  invisible  germ  which  can  discard  its  body  and 
build  a  new  one  from  earth  and  air,  so  this  body  con- 
tains a  soul  which  can  clothe  itself  anew  when  this 
poor  frame  crumbles  into  dust.  [From  "The  Prince 
of  Peace,"  an  address  delivered  on  various  occasions.] 


MOTHERHOOD 

Fredericksburg  is  not  a  large  city  and  yet  it  is  rich 
in  incidents  of  great  historic  value.  Here  the  women 
of  America  have  reared  a  monument  to  Mary  the 
mother  of  Washington.  I  am  glad  to  stand  on  this 
spot;  I  am  glad  to  feel  the  influences  which  surround 
her  grave.  In  a  campaign,  especially  in  a  campaign 
like  this,  there  is  much  of  bitterness,  and  sometimes  of 
abuse  spoken  against  the  candidates  for  public  office, 
but,  my  friends,  there  is  one  character,  the  mother — 
a  candidate  for  the  affections  of  all  mankind — against 
whom  no  true  man  ever  uttered  a  word  of  abuse. 
There  is  one  name,  mother,  which  is  never  found  upon 
the  tongue  of  the  slanderer — in  her  presence  all  criti- 
cism is  silenced.  The  painter  has,  with  his  brush, 
transferred  the  -landscape  to  the  canvas  with  such 
fidelity  that  the  trees  and  grasses  seem  almost  real  ; 
he  has  even  made  the  face  of  a  maiden  seem  instinct 
with  life,  but  there  is  one  picture  so  beautiful  that  no 
painter  has  ever  been  able  to  perfectly  reproduce  it, 
and  that  is  the  picture  of  the  mother  holding  in  her 
arms  her  babe.  Within  the  shadow  of  this  monument, 


±2.  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

reared  to  the  memory  of  her  who  in  her  love  and  loy- 
alty represents  the  mother  of  each  one  of  us,  I  bow  in 
humble  reverence  to  motherhood.  [From  speech  de- 
livered at  Frederic ksburg,  Fa.,  during  campaign  of 
1896.} 


TARIFA 

As  the  traveler  leaves  Gibraltar  for  the  west  he  bids 
farewell  to  Africa  and  to  Europe  at  the  same  time. 
Gibraltar  and  a  somewhat  similar  rock  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  channel,  the  two,  anciently  known  as  the 
Pillars  of  Hercules,  stand  out  in  bold  relief  against 
the  sky.  These  rocks  are  not  the  last  land,  however, 
although  the  most  striking  features.  There  is  a  point 
a  few  miles  farther  west  known  as  Tarifa  which,  ac- 
cording to  tradition,  was  once  occupied  by  bold  rob- 
bers who  exacted  tribute  from  all  who  passed  by.  It 
it  even  said  that  our  word  tariff  traces  its  origin  to  this 
Tarifa;  if  it  be  true  that  the  two  words  are  related  it 
is  fitting  that  Tarifa  should  be  the  last  thing  seen  by 
the  traveler  on  his  departure,  for  the  tariff  is  the  first 
thing  which  he  encounters  upon  his  arrival  in  Amer- 
ica. [From  letter  on  Spain.] 


TOLSTOY 

Tolstoy's  career  shows  how  despotic  is  the  sway  of 
the  heart  and  how,  after  all,  it  rules  the  world,  for 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  43 

while  his  literary  achievements  have  been  admired,  the 
influence  which  they  have  exerted  is  as  nothing  as 
compared  with  the  influence  exerted  by  his  philosophy. 
People  enjoy  reading  his  character  sketches,  his  dia- 
logues and  his  descriptions  of  Russian  life,  but  these 
do  not  take  hold  upon  men  like  his  simple  presenta- 
tion of  the  doctrine  of  love,  exemplified  in  his  life  as 
clearly  as  it  is  expressed  by  his  pen.  Many  of  his 
utterances  are  denied  publication  in  Russia,  and  when 
printed  abroad  cannot  be  carried  across  the  border; 
and  yet  he  has  made  such  a  powerful  impression  upon 
the  world  that  he  is  himself  safe  from  molestation. 
He  can  say  with  impunity  against  his  government  and 
against  the  Greek  church  what  it  would  be  perilous 
for  others  to  say,  and  this  very  security  is  proof  posi- 
tive that  in  Russia  thought  inspired  by  love  is,  as 
Carlyle  has  declared  it  to  be  everywhere,  stronger  than 
artillery  parks.  [From  letter  on  Tolstoy.'] 


CORONATION  OF  A  KING 

I  do  not  expect  to  witness  another  coronation,  and 
it  will  be  some  satisfaction  to  remember  that  the  first 
and  only  one  attended  was  that  of  a  king  whom  the 
people  of  their  own  accord  selected ;  for  if  there  is  any- 
thing more  democratic  than  a  republican  form  of  gov- 
ernment, it  is  the  fundamental  principle  that  the 
people  have  a  right  to  have  whatever  form  of  govern- 
ment they  desire.  Jefferson  emphasized  this  doctrine 


44  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

when  the  people  of  France  called  Napoleon  to  the 
throne,  and  it  has  Bible  sanction  as  well,  for  when  the 
children  of  Israel  still  demanded  a  king,  even  after 
Samuel  explained  what  a  king  would  do,  he  was  told 
to  let  them  have  their  way.  [From  letter  on  Nor- 
way.] 


VALUABLE  ASSETS 

Although  nations  boast  of  material  wealth  and  manu- 
facturing plants,  their  most  valuable  assets  are  their 
men  and  women  of  merit,  and  their  greatest  factories 
are  their  institutions  of  learning,  which  convert  price- 
less raw  material  into  a  finished  product  of  inestima- 
ble worth.  Gladstone,  vigorous  in  body,  strong  in 
mind  and  elevated  in  moral  purpose,  was  an  ornament 
to  the  age  in  which  he  lived  and  will  be  an  inspiration 
to  succeeding  generations.  [From  letter  on  Great 
Britain.] 


AMERICAN  PHILANTHROPY 

I  do  not  apologize  for  mentioning  from  time  to  time 
the  institutions  which  altruistic  Americans  have  scat- 
tered over  the  Orient.  If  we  can  not  boast  that  the 
sun  never  sets  on  American  territory,  we  can  find  sat- 
isfaction in  the  fact  that  the  sun  never  sets  on  Ameri- 
can philanthropy ;  if  the  boom  of  our  cannon  does  not 
follow  the  Orb  of  Day  in  his  daily  round,  the  grateful 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  45 

thanks  of  those  who  have  been  the  beneficiaries  of 
American  generosity  form  a  chorus  that  encircles  the 
globe.  [From  letter  on  India.] 


JERUSALEM 

Once  within  the  city,  one  is  surrounded  on  every 
hand  by  places  that  stir  the  tenderest  of  memories. 
Even  the  uncertainty  as  to  the  identification  of  many 
of  the  sites  made  sacred  by  the  life,  the  sufferings  and 
the  'death  of  Christ — even  the  rivalry  between  the  vari- 
ous sects  cannot  prevent  feelings  of  re\erence.  Here 
He  whose  name  is  borne  by  increasing  millions  was 
condemned  without  cause,  crowned  with  thorns  and  at 
last  crucified,  sealing  with  His  blood  the  testimony 
of  His  life.  [From  letter  on  Jerusalem.'] 


BUSINESS  HONOR 

Professor  Jenks,  in  calling  attention  to  business 
honor  as  now  defined,  said  in  a  recent  speech:  "The 
frequency  of  great  fortunes,  gathered  perhaps  legally 
but  in  ways  felt  to  be  unjust,  through  the  power  of 
monopoly,  have  tended  strongly  to  obscure  the  moral 
vision  of  many  well  meaning  men,  who  have  been 
thereby  led  to  confound  morality  with  social  right- 
eousness; and  their  acts  have  formed  the  excuse  for 


46  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

many  others  to  break  the  laws,  which  seem  to  them 
unjust.  The  profit  from  an  unjust,  though  legal, 
stock  watering  may  well  prove  more  demoralizing  in 
business  circles  than  the  illegal  freight  rebate  which 
saves  from  ruin  a  grain  shipper  caught  at  a  disad- 
vantage." 

A  large  volume  could  be  written  on  this  subject  and 
many  interesting  instances  could  be  given  to  illustrate 
modern  business  honor.  Professor  Jenks  calls  atten- 
tion to  the  monopoly.  Men  who  would  blush  to  be 
called  highwaymen  will  rob  through  monopoly  and 
defend  it,  although  their  crime  is  grand  larceny  as 
compared  with  the  petty  stealings  of  the  highway- 
men. Men  who  break  laws  with  impunity,  when  those 
laws  stand  in  the  way  of  their  grasping  methods,  will 
pose  as  friends  of  law  and  order  when  some  small 
crime  is  committed.  We  have  recently  seen  a  man 
prominent  in  the  financial  world  escape  from  the 
charge  of  embezzlement  on  the  ground  that  he  had  no 
personal  interest  in  diverting  insurance  funds  from 
the  pockets  of  the  policyholders  to  the  treasury  of  the 
republican  campaign  committee,  and  now  we  see  that 
same  financier  indicted,  along  with  an  ex-secretary 
of  the  treasury,  for  forgery,  and  their  excuse  is  that 
they  derived  no  pecuniary  profit  from  their  violation 
of  the  law.  They  simply  did  it  to  deceive  the  author- 
ities of  a  foreign  nation  in  which  their  company  did 
business.  Is  it  not  time  for  our  preachers,  our  pub- 
licists and  our  moralists  to  so  define  crime  as  to 
take  away  from  these  business  men  the  excuse 
that  they  sin  ignorantly?  Is  it  not  time  that  the 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  47 

public  conscience  was  turned  upon  these  questions? 
The  business  men  themselves  ought  to  see  to  it 
that  their  class  is  relieved  from  the  odium  that 
attaches  to  these  constant  violations  of  statute  and 
moral  law.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


THREE  KINDS  OF  GOVERNMENT 

I  learned  in  the  schools  that  there  were  three  kinds 
of  government:  the  monarchy,  the  aristocracy  and  the 
democracy.  The  monarchy  was  supposed  to  be  the 
strongest,  the  aristocracy  the  wisest,  and  the  democ- 
racy the  most  just.  If  these  definitions  were  correct, 
I  would  prefer  the  democracy,  because  justice  is,  after 
all,  the  only  foundation  upon  which  permanent  gov- 
ernment can  rest.  But  I  deny  that  monarchy  is  the 
strongest  and  that  an  aristocracy  is  the  wisest.  A  gov- 
ernment that  can  draw  from  the  wisdoni  of  all  the 
people  is  wiser  than  a  government  that  rests  upon  the 
wisdom  of  a  part,  for  all  the  people  know  more  than 
any  of  the  people.  Neither  is  a  monarchy  the  strong- 
est. It  is  said  to  act  more  quickly,  but  quickness  is 
not  the  only  characteristic  of  stresgth.  I  believe  with 
Bancroft  that  a  republic  is,  in  truth,  the  strongest  of 
all  the  governments  because  it  builds  its  citadel  in  the 
hearts  of  men.  I  insist,  therefore,  our  form  of  gov- 
ernment is  not  only  the  most  just,  but  the  wisest 
and  strongest,  and  I  want  it  to  be  made  stronger  still 
by  being  made  more  just,  if  possible,  than  it  is  today. 


48  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

Because  I  opposed  imperialism  some  used  to  call  me 
a  little  American,  but  I  will  allow  no  one  to  go  beyond 
me  in  estimating  this  nation's  greatness.  No  one  goes 
beyond  me  in  his  conception  of  the  nation's  mission. 
Do  you  want  this  nation  to  dominate  the  inferior 
races?  I  want 'it  to  influence  the  great  races  as  well. 
Do  you  want  it  to  conquer  half-civilized  nations?  I- 
want  it  to  be  the  leader  of  civilized  nations.  You  can 
not  go  beyond  me  in  your  conception  of  this  nation's 
future.  I  want  this  nation  to  shake  every  throne  on 
earth!  Not  by  force  or  violence,  but  by  showing  the 
world  something  better  than  thrones,  a  government 
resting  upon  the  consent  of  the  governed,  strong  be- 
cause it  is  loved,  and  loved  because  it  is  good.  [From 
speech  delivered  at  the  Jamestown  Exposition,  May 
30,  1907.] 


A  HIGH  PURPOSE 

The  ideal  is  of  transcendent  importance  both  to  the 
individual  and  to  those  about  him.  Whether  life  is  a 
success  or  not  depends  far  more  upon  the  moral  pur- 
pose than  it  does  upon  the  health  or  mental  strength 
of  the  individual.  History  is  replete  with  instances 
where  men  and  women  have  accomplished  much  in 
spite  of  great  physical  infirmity.  Helpless  cripples  and 
persons  deformed  have  sometimes  won  a  fame  denied 
to  athletes  and  to  gladiators;  sightless  eyes  have  often 
beheld  spiritual  beauties  which  multitudes  have  failed 
to  find;  the  bed  of  the  invalid  has  sometimes  been  a 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  49 

throne  from  which  have  flown  blessings  greater  than  a 
monarch  can  bestow.  Not  only  has  a  high  purpose 
overcome  physical  obstacles,  but  it  has  often  made  up 
for  the  lack  of  educational  advantages.  In  innumer- 
able cases  an  uneducated  person,  inspired  by  love  for 
a  great  cause  and  filled  with  zeal,  has  surpassed  those 
far  better  equipped,  but  lacking  a  compelling  purpose. 
[Address  entitled  "Man,"  delivered  at  Commencement 
Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  University,  June  15, 
1905.} 


THE  WISE  AGE 

A  reader  of  The  Commoner  sends  in  the  following: 

"At  ten  years  of  age  a  boy  thinks  his  father  knows 
a  great  deal, 

"At  fifteen  he  knows  as  much  as  his  father; 

"At  twenty  he  knows  twice  as  much; 

"At  thirty  he  is  willing  to  take  his  advice; 

"At  forty  he  begins  to  think  his  father  knew  some- 
thing after  all; 

"At  fifty  he  begins  to  seek  his  advice ; 

"And  at  sixty,  after  his  father  is  dead,  he  thinks  he 
was  the  smartest  man  that  ever  lived." 

The  above  correctly  states  the  stages  through  which 
one  passes.  At  about  eighteen  or  twenty  the  boy  feels 
stronger  than  he  ever  does  afterwards  and  thinks  he 
knows  more  than  he  ever  does  know,  but  he  learns 
after  awhile  to  respect  the  wisdom  of  his  father,  espe- 
cially when  he  becomes  a  father.  There  is  an  educa/- 


50  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

tion  in  all  of  the  experiences  of  life.  The  parent 
educates  the  child  and  the  child  in  turn  enlarges  the 
vision  of  the  parent.  Brothers  and  sisters  exert  an  in- 
fluence upon  each  other,  and  another  part  of  our  knowl- 
edge is  gathered  from  rubbing  up  against  the  world. 

If  the  child  could  only  learn  in  youth  that  years 
have  given  valuable  experience  to  the  parent,  the  child 
might  be  saved  much  costly  folly,  but  some  children 
insist  upon  learning  by  experience,  and  they  generally 
get  the  experience. 

There  is  a  common  saying  that  the  young  man  has 
to  sow  his  wild  oats.  This  is  a  complacent  excuse 
given  for  youthful  indiscretions,  but  it  does  not  state 
the  truth.  It  is  not  necessary  that  a  boy  should  be 
bad  in  order  to  be  good  afterwards.  It  is  from  every 
standpoint  better  that  his  life  shall  be  so  regulated 
from  the  beginning  that  the  memory  is  not  stained 
by  scars  and  blots.  If  the  confidence  which  the  boy 
has  in  his  father  at  ten  continued  until  he  was  twenty- 
five,  he  would  not  only  escape  the  habits  that  carry 
so  many  to  ruin  but  would  be  the  stronger  for  life's 
work.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


THE  SCHOLAR  IN  GOVERNMENT 

A  great  orator  complained  a  generation  ago  that  the 
scholar  in  the  republic  was  not  doing  the  work  for 
which  his  education  fitted  him.  He  declared  that  the 
great  truths  relating  to  society  were  not  the  result  of 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  51 

scholarly  meditation,  but  had  been  first  heard  in  the 
solemn  protest  of  martyred  patriotism  and  the  loud 
cries  of  crushed  and  starving  labor — that  the  scholars, 
instead  of  making  history,  were  content  to  write  it 
"one-half  truly  and  the  other  half  as  their  prejudices 
blur  and  distort  it." 

Let  not  this  reproach  be  truthfully  uttered  'against 
the  scholars  of  America  today.  With  a  soil  capable  of 
supporting  a  vast  population,  with  a  climate  that  gives 
infinite  variety  and  furnishes  healing  for  every  ill; 
with  a  people  commingling  the  best  blood  of  all  the 
races  and  a  government  which  furnishes  the  greatest 
stimulus  to  high  endeavor — here  the  scholar  ought  to 
find  the  most  powerful  incentive  and  be  inspired  to 
the  most  heroic  effort.  Whether  he  turns  his  atten- 
tion to  the  improvement  of  crops  and  herbs,  to  me- 
chanical labor,  to  the  perfecting  of  methods  of  ex- 
change, or  to  the  cheapening  of  transportation,  or 
ministers  as  a  physician  to  the  .ills  of  the  body,  or  as 
an  instructor  to  the  wants  of  the  mind,  or  as  a  religi- 
ous teacher  to  the  needs  of  the  heart,  no  matter  to 
what  he  devotes  himself,  infinite  possibilities  are  be- 
fore him.  In  whatever  walk  of  life  he  takes  his  place 
he  cannot  shirk  the  duties  of  citizenship,  for,  living  in 
a  land  where  every  citizen  is  a  sovereign  and  where 
no  one  dares  to  wear  a  crown,  he  must  help  to  make 
the  government  good  or  share  the  blame  for  permitting 
evils  that  might  be  corrected. 

If  we  apply  the  term  coward  to  one  who,  from  fear 
of  bodily  harm,  falters  upon  the  battlefield,  we  must 
find  some  harsher  term  to  apply  to  those  who  igno- 


52  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

miniously  withdraw  themselves  from  the  struggle  of  to- 
day, in  the  presence  of  the  tremendous  problems  which 
require  for  their  wise  solution  all  the  energies  of  the 
body,  all  the  powers  of  the  mind  and  all  the  virtues 
of  the  heart.  [Address  entitled  "Man,"  delivered  at 
Commencement  Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  Uni- 
versity, June  15,  190-5. ~] 


WINNING  BY  JUSTICE 

The  president  has  authorized  Secretary  of  State  Root 
to  notify  the  Chinese  ambassador  that  he  will  recom- 
mend the  reduction  of  the  indemnity  agreed  upon  at 
the  close  of  the  boxer  trouble.  The  indemnity  claimed 
by  the  United  States  was  $24,440,000  and  some  six 
millions  have  been  paid.  It  has  been  found  that  $11,- 
000,000  will  cover  our  loss  and  expense  incurred,  and 
the  president  will  ask  congress  to  reduce  the  amount 
to  the  actual  loss  incurred. 

This  is  an  act  of  justice  which  very  naturally  im- 
presses the  Chinese  with  our  fairness  and  the  Chinese 
ambassador  has,  in  eloquent  words,  expressed  his 
nation's  gratitude.  Our  nation  strengthens  its  position 
when  it  gives  evidence  of  its  desire  to  do  justice  to 
all  in  its  international  dealings  and  the  president  has 
made  no  mistake  in  reaching  the  conclusion  which 
has  been  announced. 

Some  forty  years  ago  our  government  voluntarily 
reduced  an  indemnity  which  Japan  was  paying  and 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  53 

the  Japanese  always  speak  of  it  in  extending  a  welcome 
to  an  American.  As  nations  collect  indemnity  by  force 
it  is  the  more  important  that  they  should  scrupulously 
avoid  anything  like  extortion.  Our  nation  sets  a  splen- 
did example  in  refusing  to  accept  more  than  the  dam- 
ages actually  suffered  and  time  will  demonstrate  that 
from  a  commercial  standpoint  as  well  as  from  the 
standpoint  of  morals  it  pays  for  our  government  to  be 
just.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


GRAFT 

In  Arkansas  a  former  state  senator  is  serving  a  peni- 
tentiary sentence  and  doing  work  with  the  other  con- 
victs as  a  punishment  for  graft.  However  humiliating 
it  may  be  to  have  a  state  official  in  the  chain  gang  it 
speaks  well  for  democratic  Arkansas  that  she  admin- 
isters punishment  to  the  guilty  without  regard  to  posi- 
tion in  society  or  politics.  Leniency  is  more  often 
shown  to  those  standing  high  in  public  esteem  than 
to  those  who  are  obscure,  but  as  a  rule  the  lowly  are 
more  deserving  of  sympathy.  Those  who  are  promi- 
nent have  usually  had  greater  advantages  and  are 
hedged  about  with  influences  which  strengthen  and 
support.  Those,  on  the  other  hand,  who  are  reared  in 
the  slums  or  who  live  upon  the  ragged  edge  of  society 
and  have  a  struggle  for  existence — these  are  less  forti- 
fied against  temptation.  If  those  sin  most  who  sin 
against  the  light  then  those  deserve  the  severest  pun- 


54  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

ishment  who  add  to  their  crimes  the  betrayal  of  public 
confidence.  Investigations  show  that  graft  is  wide- 
spread. Legislators  sell  their  votes,  county  commis- 
sioners traffic  in  contracts,  city  councils  barter  away 
valuable  franchises  and  school  trustees  collect  com- 
missions on  supplies — not  all  of  course,  but  enough 
violate  their  oath  of  office  to  call  for  vigorous  enforce- 
ment of  the  criminal  law  and  the  cultivation  of  a  public 
opinion  which  will  compel  honesty  in  public  servants. 
Arkansas  is  doing  her  part  in  the  enforcement  of  the 
law  and  her  example  ought  to  be  followed;  the  min- 
isters and  editors  should  do  their  part  in  cultivating 
public  opinion.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Com- 
moner.] 


THANKSGIVING 

On  the  Fourth  of  July  the  eagle  seems  a  little  larger 
than  it  does  on  any  other  day,  and  its  scream  may 
grate  more  harshly  on  the  foreign  ear  than  it  does 
at  any  other  time.  But  on  this  day  we  cultivate  rever- 
ence and  express  our  appreciation  of  those  blessings 
that  have  come  to  our  country  without  the  thought  or 
aid  of  Americans.  We  have  reason  to  look  with  some 
degree  of  pride  upon  the  achievement  of  the  United 
States;  we  contemplate  the  present  with  satisfaction, 
and  look  to  the  future  with  hope ;  and  yet  on  this  oc- 
casion we  may  well  remember  that  we  are  but  building 
upon  the  foundations  that  have  been  laid  for  us.  We 
did  not  create  the  fertile  soil  that  is  the  basis  of  our 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  55 

agricultural  greatness;  the  streams  that  drain  and  feed 
our  valleys  were  not  channelled  by  human  hands.  We 
did  not  fashion  the  climate  that  gives  us  the  white 
cotton  belt  of  the  south,  the  yellow  wheat  belt  of  the 
north,  and  the  central  corn  belt  that  joins  the  two 
and  overlaps  them  both.  We  do  not  gather  up  the 
moisture  and  fix  the  date  of  the  early  and  later  rains ; 
we  did  not  hide  away  in  the  mountains  the  gold  and  the 
silver ;  we  did  not  store  in  the  earth  the  deposits  of  cop- 
per and  of  zinc ;  we  did  not  create  the  measures  of  coal 
and  the  beds  of  iron.  All  these  natural  resources, 
which  we  have  but  commenced  to  develop,  are  the  gift 
of  Him  before  Whom  we  bow  in  gratitude  tonight. 
[From  speech  delivered  at  banquet  given  to  Ambassa- 
dor Choate,  Thanksgiving  Day,  London,  November  26, 
1903.] 


"LOYALTY  TO  THE  MONEY  BAG" 

Greed  for  gain  has  raged  like  a  fever,  but  there  are 
signs  of  abatement.  The  standard  of  measurement 
has  too  often  been  wealth — no  matter  how  secured — 
but  there  is  evidence  of  a  return  to  higher  ideals.  Many 
have  been  "hoodwinked  into  believing"  that  what  Car- 
lyle  calls  "loyalty  to  the  money-bag"  is  a  noble  loyalty, 
but  he  speaks  the  verdict  of  history  when  he  says: 

"Mammon,  cries  the  generous  heart  out  of  all  ages 
and  countries,  is  the  basest  of  known  gods,  even  of 
known  devils.  In  him  what  glory  is  there,  that  ye 
should  worship  him?  No  glory  discernible;  not  even 


56  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

terror;  at  best  detestability,  ill-matched  with  despica- 
bility!" 

And  in  the  days  to  come — may  they  draw  near! — 
we  shall  learn  anew  that  "thought  is  stronger  than  ar- 
tillery parks,"  and  that  "the  beginning  of  all  thought 
worthy  of  the  name  is  Love."  [From  an  article  writ- 
ten for  "Public  Opinion"  in  May,  1905  J] 


FREE  SPEECH 

Since  I  have  been  here  I  have,  been  profoundly 
impressed  with  the  part  that  Englishmen  have  taken 
in  establishing  the  right  of  free  speech.  And  I  may 
say  that  before  I  came  to  this  country  the  thing  that 
most  challenged  my  admiration  in  the  Englishman 
was  his  determination  to  make  his  opinion  known  when 
he  had  an  opinion  that  he  thought  should  be  given 
to  the  world.  Passing  through  the  Bank  of  England, 
to  which  my  friend,  the  ambassador,  has  referred,  my 
attention  was-  called  to  a  protest  that  Admiral  Coch- 
rane  wrote  upon  the  bank-note  with  which  he  paid 
the  thousand  pounds  fine  that  had  been  assessed  against 
him.  I  was  interested  in  that  protest  because  it  showed 
a  fearlessness  that  indicates  the  possibilities  of  the  race. 
j-<et  me  read  what  he  said :  "My  health  having  suffered 
by  long  anc1.  close  confinement,  and  my  oppressors  hav- 
ing resolved  to  deprive  me  of  property  or  life,  I  sub- 
mit to  robbery  to  protect  myself  from  murder  (laugh- 
ter) in  the  hope  that  I  shall  live  to  bring  the  delin- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  57 

quents  to  justice."  (Renewed  laughter.)  That  is  the 
spirit  that  moves  the  world!  There  was  a  man  in 
prison.  He  must  pay  his  fine  in  order  to  gain  his 
liberty.  He  believed  the  action  of  the  court  unjust. 
He  knew  that  if  he  stayed  there  he  would  lose  his  life 
and  lose  the  chance  for  vindication,  and  yet,  as  he 
was  going  forth  from  the  prison  doors,  he  did  not  go 
with  bowed  head  or  cringing,  but  flung  his  protest  in 
the  face  of  his  oppressors,  and  told  them  he  submitted 
to  robbery  to  protect  his  life  in  the  hope  that,  having 
escaped  from  their  hands,  he  might  bring  them  to 
justice.  I  like  that  in  the  Englishman,  and  during 
my  short  knowledge  of  public  affairs  I  have  looked 
across  the  ocean  and  admired  the  moral  courage  and 
the  manliness  of  those  Englishmen  who  have  dared  to 
stand  out  against  overwhelming  odds  and  assert  their 
opinions  before  the  world.  [From  speech  delivered  at 
banquet  given  to  Ambassador  Choate,  London,  Novem- 
ber 26,  1903.} 


PLUTOCRACY 

Plutocracy  is  abhorrent  to  a  republic ;  it  is  more  des- 
potic than  monarchy,  more  heartless  than  aristocracy, 
more  selfish  than  bureaucracy.  It  preys  upon  the  nation 
in  time  of  peace  and  conspires  against  it  in  the  hour 
of  its  calamity.  Conscienceless,  compassionless  and 
devoid  of  wisdom,  it  enervates  its  votaries  while  it  im- 
poverishes its  victims.  It  is  already  sapping  the  strength 
of  the  nation,  vulgarizing  social  life  and  making  mock- 


58  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

ery  out  of  morals.  The  time  is  ripe  for  the  overthrow 
of  this  giant  wrong.  In  the  name  of  the  counting 
rooms,  which  it  has  defiled;  in  the  name  of  business 
honor  which  it  has  polluted;  in  the  name  of  the  home 
which  it  has  despoiled;  in  the  name  of  religion  which 
it  has  disgraced;  in  the  name  of  the  people  whom  it 
has  oppressed,  let  us  make  our  appeal  to  the  awakened 
conscience  of  the  nation.  [From  Madison  Square  Gar- 
den, New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


REVENGE 

The  papers  announce  that  an  eastern  spinster  has 
left  her  former  lover  a  fortune  estimated  at  $150,000, 
on  condition  that  he  obtain  a  divorce  from  his  wife. 
The  spinster  was  disappointed  because  he  finally  pre- 
ferred another  woman  to  her  and  takes  her  revenge 
by  trying  to  separate  them.  At  first  it  might  seem 
that  the  revenge  was  aimed  at  her  successful  rival,  but 
the  man  is  really  the  one  at  whom  the  thrust  is  made, 
for  if  he  were  sordid  enough  to  divorce  his  wife  to  se- 
cure a  fortune  he  would  soon  become  an  object  of  pity, 
for  the  contempt  of  his  neighbors  would  make  life 
unbearable.  But  what  shall  we  say  of  the  revengeful 
spirit  which  affixed  the  condition  to  the  bequest.  Pos- 
sibly she  thought  she  loved  the  man,  but  true  love 
shows  itself  in  a  different  way. 

If  she  had  loved  him  as  many  have  loved  she  would 
either  have  kept  silent,  or,  if  she  wanted  to  leave  him 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  59 

money,  she  would  have  left  it  for  him  to  use  to  pro- 
mote his  own  happiness  and  welfare.  Her  love  was  of 
the  kind  that  leads  young  men  to  kill  their  sweethearts 
(when  they  have  been  rejected)  and  then  kill  them- 
selves. 

It  is  a  selfish  love — if  love  can  be  selfish — that 
prompts  one  to  punish  the  object  of  his  affection.  Sacri- 
fice is  the  language  of  love.  "Greater  love  hath  no  man 
than  this  that  he  lay  down  his  life  for  his  friend" — 
but  the  so-called  love  which  exacts  a  penalty  has  in 
it  the  element  of  revenge  rather  than  genuine  affection. 

And  revenge  is  the  hardest  load  that  any  one  can 
carry.  No  one  is  strong  enough  to  attempt  such  a 
burden,  and  no  one  can  afford  to  risk  its  corroding 
influence  on  his  life.  This  conditional  bequest  shows 
how  cherishing  revenge  will  warp  a  nature.  [Editorial 
in  The  Commoner. ] 


THE  GREATER  MAN  AND  NATION 

I  visited  the  Tower  of  London  today  and  saw  upon 
the  wall  a  strange  figure.  It  was  made  of  swords, 
ramrods,  and  bayonets,  and  was  /  fashioned  into  the 
form  of  a  flower.  Someone  had  put  a  card  on  it  and 
aptly  named  it  the  passion  flower — and  it  has  been 
too  often  the  international  flower.  But  the  world  has 
made  progress.  No  longer  do  ambition  and  avarice 
furnish  a  sufficient  excuse  for  war.  The  world  has 
made  progress,  and  today  you  cannot  justify  bloodshed 
except  in  defense  of  a  right  already  ascertained,  and 


60  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

then  only  when  all  peaceable  means  have  been  ex- 
hausted. The  world  has  made  progress.  We  have 
reached  a  point  where  we  respect  not  the  man  who  will 
die  to  secure  some  pecuniary  advantage,  but  who  will 
die  in  defense  of  his  rights.  We  admire  the  moral 
courage  of  the  man  who  is  willing  to  die  in  defense 
of  his  rights,  but  there  is  yet  before  us  a  higher  ground. 
Is  he  great  who  will  die  in  defense  of  his  rights?  There 
is  yet  to  come  a  greater  man  still — the  man  who  will 
die  rather  than  trespass  upon  the  rights  of  another. 
Hail  to  the  nation  whatever  its  name  may  be  that  leads 
the  world  towards  the  realization  of  this  higher  ideal. 
I  am  glad  that  we  now  recognize  that  there  is  some- 
thing more  powerful  than  physical  force,  and  no  one 
has  stated  it  better  than  Carlyle.  He  said  that  thought 
was  stronger  than  artillery  parks,  and  at  last  moulded 
the  world  like  soft  clay;  that  behind  thought  was  love, 
and  that  there  never  was  a  wise  head  that  had  not  be- 
hind it  a  generous  heart.  The  world  is  coming  to 
understand  that  armies  and  navies,  however  numerous 
and  strong,  are  impotent  to  stop  thought.  Thought 
inspired  by  love  will  yet  rule  the  world.  I  am  glad 
that  there  is  a  national  product  more  valuable  than 
gold  or  silver,  more  valuable  than  cotton  and  wheat  or 
corn  or  iron,  the  ideal.  That  is  a  merchandise — if  I 
may  call  it  such — that  moves  freely  from  country  to 
country.  You  cannot  vex  it  with  an  export  tax  or 
hinder  it  with  an  import  tariff.  It  is  greater  than  legis- 
lators, and  rises  triumphant  over  the  machinery  of  gov- 
ernment. In  the  rivalry  to  present  the  best  ideal  to 
the  world,  love,  not  hatred,  will  control;  and  I  am  glad 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  61 

that  on  this  Thanksgiving  Day  I  can  meet  with  my 
countrymen  and  their  friends  here  assembled,  return 
thanks  for  what  my  country  has  received,  thanks  for 
the  progress  that  the  world  has  made,  and  contemplate 
with  joy  the  coming  of  that  day  when  the  rivalry  be- 
tween nations  will  be,  not  to  see  which  can  injure  the 
other  most,  but  to  show  which  can  hold  highest  the 
light  that  guides  the  pathway  of  the  human  race  to 
higher  ground.  [From  speech  delivered  at  banquet 
given  to  Ambassador  Choate,  London,  November  26, 
1903.~] 


PAYING  WHAT  WE  OWE 

We  sometimes  feel  that  we  have  a  sort  of  proprie- 
tary interest  in  the  principles  of  government  set  forth 
in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  That  is  a  docu- 
ment which  we  have  given  to  the  world,  and  yet.  the 
principles  set  forth  therein  were  not  invented  by  an 
American.  Thomas  Jefferson  expressed  them  in  felicit- 
ous language  and  put  them  into  permanent  form,  but 
the  principles  had  been  known  before.  The  doctrine 
that  all  men  are  created  equal,  that  they  are  endowed 
with  inalienable  rights,  that  governments  were  insti- 
tuted amongst  men  to  secure  these  rights,  and  that 
they  derived  their  just  power  from  the  consent  of  the 
governed — this  doctrine  which  stands  four  square  with 
all  the  world  was  not  conceived  in  the  United  States, 
it  did  not  spring  from  the  American  mind — aye,  it  did 
not  come  so  much  from  any  mind  as  it  was  an  emana- 


62  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

tion  from  the  heart,  and  it  had  been  in  the  hearts  of 
men  for  ages.  Before  Columbus  turned  the  prow 
of  his  ship  towards  the  west  on  that  eventful  voy- 
age, before  the  Barons  wrested  Magna  Charta  from 
King  John — yes,  before  the  Roman  legions  landed  on 
the  shores  of  this  island — aye,  before  Homer  sang — 
that  sentiment  had  nestled  in  the  heart  of  man,  and 
nerved  him  to  resist  the  oppressor.  That  sentiment  was 
not  even  of  human  origin.  Our  own  great  Lincoln  de- 
clared that  it  was  God  himself  who  implanted  in  every 
human  heart  the  love  of  liberty.  Yes,  when  God  cre- 
ated man,  when  He  gave  him  life,  He  linked  to  life 
the  love  of  liberty,  and  what  God  hath  joined  together 
let  no  man  put  asunder.  "We  have  received  great 
blessings  from  God  and  from  all  the  world,  and 
^hat  is  our  duty?  We  cannot  make  return  to  those 
from  whom  those  gifts  were  received.  It  is  not  in  our 
power  to  make  return  to  the  Father  above.  Nor  can  we 
make  return  to  those  wrho  have  sacrificed  so  much  for 
our  advancement.  The  child  can  never  make  full  re- 
turn to  the  mother  whose  life  trembled  in  the  balance 
at  its  birth,  and  whose  kindness  and  care  guarded  it 
in  all  the  years  of  infancy.  The  student  cannot  make 
full  return  to  the  teacher  who  awakened  the  mind, 
and  aroused  an  ambition  for  a  broader  intellectual 
life.  The  adult  cannot  make  full  return  to  the  patri- 
arch whose  noble  life  gave  inspiration  and  incentive. 
So  a  generation  cannot  make  return  to  the  generation 
gone;  it  must  make  its  return  to  the  generations  to 
come.  Our  nation  must  discharge  its  debt  not  to  the 
dead,  but  to  the  living.  How  can  our  country  dis- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  63 

charge  this  great  debt?  In  but  one  way,  and  that  is 
by  giving  to  the  world  something  equal  in  value  to 
that  which  it  has  received  from  the  world.  And  what 
is  the  greatest  gift  that  man  can  bestow  upon  man? 
Feed  a  man  and  he  will  hunger  again ;  give  him  cloth- 
ing and  his  clothing  will  wear  out;  but  give  him  a 
noble  ideal,  and  that  ideal  will  be  with  him  through 
every  waking  hour,  lifting  him  to  a  higher  plane  of 
life,  and  giving  him  a  broader  conception  of  his  rela- 
tions to  his  fellows.  [From  speech  delivered  at  ban- 
quet given  to  Ambassador  Choate,  London,  November 
<26,  1903.'] 


THE  TWENTY-THIRD  PSALM 

One  thought  often  comes  to  the  mind  as  the  dif- 
ferent scenes  are  visited,  viz.,  that  a  visit  to  the  Holy 
Land  makes  it  easier  to  understand  many  Bible  pas- 
sages and  gives  added  significance  to  others:  We  have 
seen  the  barren  fig  tree  and  the  fruitful  vine;  we  havo 
seen  the  lame  and  the  blind,  and  have  met  the  lepe* 
at  the  gate;  we  have  seen  the  tiny  lamp,  such  as  the 
wise  and  foolish  virgins  carried — lamps  that  need  often 
to  be  refilled ;  and  we  have  seen  the  "whited  sepulchres," 
"full  of  dead  men's  bones."  We  have  been  impressed 
with  the  life-giving  power  of  a  fountain  in  a  barren 
land  and  can  more  fully  realize  the  force  of  the  prom- 
ise that  the  man  who  delighteth  "in  the  law  of  the 
Lord"  shall  be  like  "a  tree  planted  by  the  rivers  of 
water." 


64  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

But  no  part  of  the  Old  Testament  has  been  brought 
more  vividly  to  our  minds  than  the  Twenty-third 
Psalm.  Life  is  much  the  same  here  today  as  it  was 
two,  three,  four  thousand  years  ago,  and  we  have 
seen  innumerable  flocks  and  have  watched  the  sheep 
following  the  shepherd  with  confidence  as  he,  staff  in 
hand,  led  them  into  new  pastures  or  from  hillside  to 
stream.  No  animal  is  more  helpless  than  the  sheep 
and  HO  guardian  more  tender  than  the  shepherd.  The 
sheep  know  their  master's  voice,  and  we  have  several 
times  seen  a  shepherd  carrying  a  lamb  in  his  arms. 
The  hills  about  Jerusalem,  the  springs,  the  shepherds 
and  their  flocks,  will  rise  before  us  whenever  we  read 
again : 

"The  Lord  is  very  shepherd;  I  shall  not  want.  He 
maketh  me  to  lie  down  in  green  pastures;  He  leadeth 
me  beside  the  still  waters."  [From  letter  on  Jerusa- 
lem.] 


THE  MOUNT  OF  BEATITUDES 

There  is  nothing  to  determine  just  where  the  Ser- 
mon on  the  Mount  was  delivered,  but  because  the 
Horns  of  Hattin  have  been  associated  with  that  won- 
derful discourse,  I  was  anxious  to  visit  the  place.  There 
is  no  road  leading  to  this  eminence  and  the  bridle 
paths  can  scarcely  be  followed.  The  ground  is  cov- 
ered by  boulders  and  broken  stones,  half  concealed  by 
grass  and  thistles  and  flowers.  The  guide  stepped  over 
a  large  snake  before  we  had  gone  far,  and  as  it  was 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  65 

of  a  very  poisonous  variety,  he  felt  that  he  had  had  a 
narrow  escape.  From  a  distance  the  top  of  the  hill  is 
saddle-shaped,  and  the  two  horns  have  given  it  its 
name,  but  on  the  top  there  is  a  large  circular  basin 
probably  two  hundred  yards  in  diameter,  and  the  rim 
of  this  basin  was  once  walled  and  a  citadel  built  there. 

The  view  from  this  mount  is  one  of  the  most  beauti- 
ful I  have  ever  seen.  To  the  north,  Hermon  rises  in 
grandeur,  his  summit  covered  with  snow;  the  inter- 
vening space  is  filled  with  hills  except  in  the  immedi- 
ate foreground  where  the  sea  of  Galilee  sparkles  in  the 
sun.  At  the  foot  of  the  mount  stretches  a  verdant 
valley,  and  from  the  valley  a  defile  runs  down  to  the 
sea.  This  opening  gives  a  view  of  the  shore  where 
Capernaum  and  Bethsaida  are  supposed  to  have  stood, 
and  one  of  the  roads  from  the  sea  to  Nazareth  fol- 
lows the  stream  which  flows  through  this  defile.  On 
the  opposite  side  of  the  Mount,  Tabor  can  be  seen,  and 
beyond,  the  hills  of  Samaria.  There  is  inspiration 
in  this  commingling  of  hill  and  vale  and  sea  and 
sky. 

Whether,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  Christ,  "seeing  the 
multitude,"  ascended  to  this  place  I  know  not,  but  it 
furnishes  an  environment  fit  for  the  sublime  code  of 
morality  presented  in  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount.  No 
other  philosophy  has  ever  touched  so  high  a  point  or 
presented  so  noble  a  conception  of  human  life.  In  it 
purity  of  heart  is  made  the  test,  mercy  is  enjoined, 
humility  emphasized,  forgiveness  commanded  and  love 
made  the  law  of  action.  In  that  8ermon  He  pointed 
out  the  beginnings  of  evil,  rebuked  those  who  allow 


66  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

themselves  to  be  engrossed  by  the  care  of  the  body  and 
gave  to  the  world  a  brief,  simple  and  incomparable 
prayer  which  the  Christian  world  repeats  in  unison. 
If  in  other  places  He  relieved  those  whose  sufferings 
came  through  the  infirmities  of  the  flesh,  He  here  of- 
fered a  balm  for  the  healing  of  the  nations.  [From 
letter  on  Galilee.'] 


IMITATION 

Both  individuals  and  nations  borrow;  imitation,  not 
originality,  is  the  rule.  It  will  humble  the  pride  of 
anyone  to  attempt  to  separate  that  which  he  has 
learned  from  others  from  that  which  he  can  claim  as 
his  own  by  right  of  discovery. 

Steam  is  the  same  today  that  it  was  ages  ago,  and 
yet  millions  watched  it  escaping  from  the  kettle  with 
no  thought  of  its  latent  power.  One  man  showed  man- 
kind the  use  to  which  it  could  be  put  and  all  the  rest 
profited  by  the  idea.  Shall  we  refuse  to  ride  upon  the 
railroad  or  cross  the  waters  in  an  ocean  greyhound 
for  fear  of  employing  the  conception  of  another? 
Electricity  is  not  a  new  agency.  The  lightnings  have 
illumined  the  sky  from  the  dawn  of  creation,  and  the 
people  saw  in  them  only  cause  for  fear.  A  few  decades 
ago  one  man  thought  out  a  method  by  which  it  could 
be  imprisoned  in  a  wire,  and  now  widely  separated 
lands  are  united  by  telegraph  lines,  while  cables 
traverse  the  ocean's  bed.  Shall  we  refuse  to  read  the 
news  that  the  current  carries  or  reject  a  message  from 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  67 

home  because  we  must  employ  an  idea  which  sprang 
from  another's  brain?  He  is  stupid  who  rejects  truth, 
no  matter  from  what  source  it  comes;  that  nation  is 
blind  which  does  not  welcome  light  from  anywhere  and 
everywhere.  It  is  to  the  glory,  not  to  the  shame,  of 
the  land  of  the  Rising  Sun  that  her  people  have  been 
quick  to  obey  the  injunction,  "Prove  all  things;  hold 
fast  that  which  is  good."  [From  letter  on  Japan.] 


CONFUCIANISM 

China  has  followed  an  ideal  and  followed  it  with  a 
diligence  rarely  exhibited,  but  that  ideal  has  been 
weighed  in  the  balance  and  found  wanting.  It  is  often 
said  in  defense  of  Confucianism  that  its  founder  gave 
to  his  disciples  the  golden  rule,  stated  in  its  negative 
form,  but  too  little  emphasis  has  been  given  to  the 
difference  between  the  doctrine  of  Confucius,  "Do  not 
unto  others  as  you  would  not  have  others  do  unto  you," 
and,  the  doctrine  of  the  Nazarene,  "Whatsoever  ye 
would  that  men  should  do  to  you,  do  ye  even  so  to 
them."  There  is  a  world  of  difference  between  nega- 
tive harmlessness  and  positive  helpfulness,  and  Christi- 
anity could  well  afford  to  rest  its  case  against  Con- 
fucianism on  the  comparison  of  these  two  doctrines. 

In  the  Analects  of  Confucius  the  philosopher  is 
asked,  "Is  there  one  word  which  may  serve  as  a  rule  of 
practice  for  all  one's  life?"  He  was  answered,  "Is  not 
reciprocity  such  a  word?"  Here  we  have  the  doctrine 


68  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

of  selfishness  as  plausibly  presented  as  it  will  ever  be 
again.  Life  is  described  as  a  balancing  of  favors — a 
nice  calculation  of  good  done  and  good  received.  There 
is  no  suggestion  here  of  a  heart  overflowing  with  love, 
no  intimation  of  a  blessedness  to  be  found  in  giving. 
At  another  time  someone  asked  Confucius,  "What 
do  you  say  concerning  the  principle  that  injury  should 
be  recompensed  with  kindness?"  He  replied,  "With 
what,  then,  will  you  recompense  kindness?  Recom- 
pense injury  with  justice  and  recompense  kindness 
with  kindness."  In  reply  to  another  question,  he  goes 
so  fax  as  to  charge  that  one  "who  returns  good  for  evil 
is  a  man  that  is  careful  of  his  person."  How  different 
these  precepts  are  from  those  of  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount!  Christians  are  accused  of  failure  to  live  up  to 
the  high  ideal  presented  by  Jesus,  and  the  accusation  is 
just  and  yet,  although  the  Christian  nations  fall  far 
short  of  the  measure  which  they  themselves  recognize, 
although  professing  Christians  reflect  but  imperfectly 
the  rays  which  fall  upon  them  from  the  Sun  of 
Righteousness,  they  are  leading  the  world  in  all  that  is 
ennobling  and  uplifting,  and  China  gives  silent  recog- 
nition to  the  superiority  of  the  western  ideal  in  every 
reform  which  she  undertakes.  [From  letter  on 
China.'] 


"SERMONS  IN  STONES" 

There  are  "sermons  in  stones"  and  the  stones  of  this 
canyon  preach  many  impressive  ones.    They  not  only 


THE   HEAL    BRYAN  69 

testify  to  the  omnipotence  of  the  Creator  but  they 
record  the  story  of  a  stream  which  both  moulds,  and  is 
moulded  by,  its  environment.  It  can  not  escape  from 
the  walls  of  its  prison  and  yet  it  has  made  its  impress 
upon  the  granite  as,  in  obedience  to  the  law  of  gravi- 
tation, it  has  gone  dashing  and  foaming  on  its  path  to 
the  sea. 

How  like  a  human  life !  Man,  flung  into  existence  with- 
out his  volition,  bearing  the  race-mark  of  his  parents, 
carrying  the  impress  of  their  lives  to  the  day  of  his 
death,  hedged  about  by  an  environment  that  shapes 
and  moulds  him  before  he  is  old  enough  to  plan  or 
choose,  how  these  constrain  and  hem  him  in!  And 
yet,  he  too,  leaves  his  mark  upon  all  that  he  touches 
as  he  travels,  in  obedience  to  his  sense  of  duty,  the 
path  that  leads  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave.  But 
here  the  likeness  ends.  The  Colorado,  pure  and  clear 
in  the  mountains,  becomes  a  dark  and  muddy  flood  be- 
fore it  reaches  the  ocean,  so  contaminated  is  it  by  the 
soil  through  which  it  passes ;  but  man,  if  controlled  by 
a  noble  purpose  and  inspired  by  high  ideals,  may 
purify,  rather  than  be  polluted  by  his  surroundings, 
and  by  resistance  to  temptation  make  the  latter  end 
of  his  life  more  beautiful  even  than  the  beginning. 

The  river  also  teaches  a  sublime  lesson  of  patience. 
It  has  taken  ages  for  it  to  do  its  work  and  in  that 
work  every  drop  of  water  has  played  its  part.  It  takes 
time  for  individuals  or  groups  of  individuals  to  accom- 
plish a  great  work  and  because  time  is  required  those 
who  labor  in  behalf  of  their  fellows  sometimes  become 
discouraged.  Nature  teaches  us  to  labor  and  to  wait. 


70  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

Viewed  from  day  to  day  the  progress  of  the  race  is 
imperceptible ;  viewed  from  year  to  year,  it  can  scarcely 
be  noted,  but  viewed  by  decades  or  centuries  the  up- 
ward trend  is  apparent,  and  every  good  work  and  word 
and  thought  contributes  toward  the  final  result.  As 
nothing  is  lost  in  the  economy  of  nature,  so  nothing  is 
lost  in  the  social  and  moral  world.  As  the  stream  is 
composed  of  an  innumerable  number  of  rivulets,  each 
making  its  little  offering  and  each  necessary  to  make 
up  the  whole,  so  the  innumerable  number  of  men  and 
women  who  recognize  their  duty  to  society  and  their 
obligations  to  their  fellows  are  contributing  according 
to  their  strength  to  the  sum  total  of  the  forces  that 
make  for  righteousness  and  progress.  [Newspaper 
article  on  "Wonders  of  the  West,"  referring  particu- 
larly to  the  Grand  Canyon  of  the  Colorado,  in  northern 
A  nzonaJ] 


TWO  SYSTEMS 

Japan  needs  the  Christian  religion;  a  nation  must 
have  some  religion  and  she  has  outgrown  Buddhism. 
The  ideals  presented  by  these  two  systems  are  in  many 
respects  diametrically  opposed  to  each  other.  One 
looks  forward,  the  other  backward;  one  regards  life 
as  a  blessing  to  be  enjoyed  and  an  opportunity  to  be 
improved,  the  other  sees  in  it  only  evil  from  which 
escape  should  be  sought;  one  crowns  this  life  with  im- 
mortality, the  other  adds  to  a  gloomy  existence  the 
darker  night  of  annihilation ;  one  offers  faith  as  the 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  71 

inspiration  to  noble  deeds,  the  other  presents  a  plan  for 
the  perfecting  of  self  with  no  sense  of  responsibility 
to  God  to  prompt  it  or  promise  of  reward  to  encourage 
it;  one  enlarges  the  sympathies  and  links  each  indi- 
vidual with  all  other  human  beings,  the  other  turns 
thought  inward  in  search  of  perpetual  calm.  [From 
letter  on  Japan.] 


DEATH 

This  endless  procession  has  been  moving  on  towards 
one  goal,  from  the  time  when  man  was  placed  upon 
this  footstool  to  carry  out  a  divine  decree;  and  there 
is  no  turning  back  from  this  way.  No  one  is  rich 
enough  to  purchase  immunity,  and  no  one  so  poor  as 
to  escape  notice.  No  one  is  strong  enough  to  resist 
the  grim  reaper,  and  no  one  so  weak  as  to  excite  his 
pity. 

There  is  a  time  when  death  might  seem  a  natural 
visitor;  in  extreme  old  age.  When  the  joints  become 
stiff  and  the  flesh  wastes  away;  when  the  eyes  grow 
dim  and  the  ears  no  longer  drink  in  the  music  of  the 
voice.  Then  it  might  seem  that  death  were  an  appro- 
priate thing.  But  how  few  reach  advanced  age.  A 
large  percentage  of  the  human  race — a  larger  per 
cent  than  need  be — die  young.  The  summons  comes 
to  the  very  babe  before  its  infinite  possibilities  begin 
to  unfold;  the  summons  comes  when  it  has  no  coin 
with  which  to  make  payment  for  the  care  it  secures, 
except  the  smile,  and  the  smile  remains  when  the  face 


72  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

is  gone.  Sometimes  the  summons  comes  to  the  student 
just  completing  an  education,  prepared  with  trained 
mind  and  lofty  purposes  to  take  up  the  work  of  life — 
but  the  diploma  is  no  answer  to  the  summons.  Again 
it  comes  to  the  mother;  the  child  on  her  breast  pleads 
for  her,  and  the  child  at  her  knee  clenches  his  chubby 
fist  in  defiance,  but  in  vain ;  they  must  grow  up  without 
the  knowledge  of  a  mother's  love.  And  now  it  is  the 
man  in  the  full  strength  of  life,  bearing  a  double  bur- 
den and  dividing  his  attention  between  the  home  and 
the  state ;  he  staggers  and  falls,  and  those  who  convey 
his  remains  to  the  cemetery  try  to  comfort  those  whom 
he  has  left,  and  endeavor  to  divide  among  them  the 
public  task  which  he  has  left  unfinished.  Sometimes 
the  cup  comes  to  the  lips  of  one  whose  whitened  locks 
record  the  passing  of  many  winters ;  his  ripe  experience 
has  made  him  a  treasure  house  from  which  wisdom  can 
be  drawn,  and  his  spiritual  wealth  is  a  benediction  to 
the  home,  and  makes  him  a  tower  of  strength  to  the 
church,  but  the  chair  by  the  fireside  is  vacated.  Why 
is  it  that  there  must  be  this  rude  sundering  of  the  ties 
that  bind  us  to  earth,  and  to  each  other?  Why?  A 
myriad  of  times  this  question  has  risen  from  broken 
hearts,  and  still  no  answer.  I  shall  not  attempt  to 
answer  it.  But  I  can  say  in  the  language  of  the  poet: 

I  do  not  see 
Why  God  should  e'en  permit  some  things  to  be, 

When  He  is  love; 

But  I  can  see, 
Though,  often  dimly,  through  the  mystery, 

His  hand  above! 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  73 

And  that  hand  has  inscribed  some  lessons  upon  the 
tomb  so  clear  and  plain  that  all  may  read  them. 

Death,  by  its  very  uncertainty,  teaches  us  to  use  the 
present  hour.  If  we  were  assured  of  three  score  years 
and  ten  we  might  yield  to  the  temptation  to  postpone 
everything  to  the  later  years.  But  the  fact  that  we 
know  not  the  day  nor  the  hour  when  the  call  may 
come  to  us  forces  us  to  use  today  lest  tomorrow  may 
not  arrive. 

And,  then,  death  reminds  us  of  our  weakness.  Man 
was  made  in  the  image  of  his  Creator,  and  given  do- 
minion over  the  earth,  the  air  and  sea — made  but  a 
little  lower  than  the  angels,  and  behold  the  work  of 
man's  hand!  He  has  harnessed  the  forces  of  nature 
and  compelled  them  to  do  his  bidding.  He  has  con- 
verted the  waterfalls  into  motive  power;  he  has  con- 
densed the  steam  and  commanded  it  to  draw  the  com- 
merce of  a  nation  over  the  iron  highways;  his  ships 
plough  all  the  oceans,  and  they  follow  their  charts 
unerringly  no  matter  how  dark  the  night.  He  has  im- 
prisoned the  lightning  in  a  tiny  wire  and  sent  it  around 
the  globe  as  his  messenger,  and  he  has  even  flung  his 
words  through  space  and  imprinted  them  on  instru- 
ments hundreds^  of  miles  away.  No  wonder  man  is 
boastful,  and  yet  just  as  he  imagines  himself  almost 
omnipotent,  just  as  he  reaches  out  to  seize  the  crown, 
death  touches  him,  or  one  he  loves,  and  then  he  realizes 
how  helpless  he  is. 

Death  turns  our  thoughts  toward  immortality. 
Heaven  never  seems  so  real  to  us  as  when  it  becomes 
the  abode  of  someone  whom  we  have  known  and  loved. 


74  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

When  our  treasures  are  there  we  can  easily  helieve 
that  no  heart  warmed  to  a  glow  by  the  fire  of  brotherly 
love  will  suffer  an  eternal  chill,  that  no  spiritual  flame, 
that  grows  brighter  with  the  years,  will  be  extinguished 
never  to  shine  again.  [From  address  delivered  at  Elk's 
Lodge  of  Sorrow,  Lincoln,  Neb.,  December  2,  1906.] 


THE  IDEAL  REPUBLIC 

I  can  conceive  of  a  national  destiny  surpassing  the 
glories  of  the  present  and  the  past — a  destiny  which 
meets  the  responsibilities  of  today  and  measures  up  the 
possibilities  of  the  future. 

Behold  a  republic,  resting  securely  upon  the  founda- 
tion stones  quarried  by  revolutionary  patriots  from  the 
mountain  of  eternal  truth — a  republic  applying  in 
practice  and  proclaiming  to  the  world  the  self-evident 
proposition  that  all  men  are  created  equal;  that  they 
are  endowed  with  inalienable  rights ;  that  governments 
are  instituted  among  men  to  secure  these  rights;  that 
governments  derive  their  just  powers  from  the  con- 
sent of  the  governed. 

Behold  a  republic  in  which  civil  and  religious  liberty 
stimulate  all  to  earnest  endeavor,  and  in  which  the  law 
restrains  every  hand  uplifted  for  a  neighbor's  injury — 
a  republic  in  which  every  citizen  is  sovereign,  but  in 
which  no  one  cares  to  wear  a  crown. 

Behold  a  republic  standing  erect,  while  empires  all 
around  are  bowed  beneath  the  weight  of  their  own 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  75 

armaments — a  republic  whose  flag  is  loved,  while  other 
flags  are  only  feared. 

Behold  a  republic  increasing  in  population,  in 
wealth,  in  strength  and  in  influence,  solving  the  prob- 
lems of  civilization  and  hastening  the  coming  of  a 
universal  brotherhood — a  republic  which  shakes 
thrones  and  dissolves  aristocracies  by  its  silent  example, 
and  gives  light  and  inspiration  to  those  who  sit  in 
darkness. 

Behold  a  republic  gradually  but  surely  becoming  the 
supreme  moral  factor  in  the  world's  progress  and  the 
accepted  arbiter  of  the  world's  disputes — a  republic 
whose  history,  like  the  path  of  the  just,  "is  as  the 
shining  light  that  shineth  more  and  more  unto  the 
perfect  day."  [Indianapolis  speech  in  1900.1 


THE  FLAG 

The  flag  is  a  national  emblem  and  is  obedient  to 
the  national  will.  It  was  made  for  the  people,  not 
the  people  for  the  flag.  When  the  American  people 
want  the  flag  raised,  they  raise  it;  when  they  want  it 
hauled  down,  they  haul  it  down.  The  flag  was  raised 
upon  Canadian  soil  during  the  war  of  1812  and  it  was 
hauled  down  when  peace  was  restored.  The  flag  was 
planted  upon  Chapultepec  during  the  war  with  Mexico 
and  it  was  hauled  down  when  the  war  was  over.  The 
morning  papers  announce  that  General  Lee  ordered  the 
flag  hauled  down  in  Cuba  yesterday,  because  it  was 


76  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

raised  too  soon.  The  flag  will  be  raised  in  Cuba  again 
on  the  1st  of  January,  but  the  President  declares  in 
his  message  that  it  will  be  hauled  down  as  soon  as  a 
stable  government  is  established.  Who  will  deny  to 
our  people  the  right  to  haul  the  flag  down  in  the  Phil- 
ippines, if  they  so  desire,  when  a  stable  government  is 
established  there? 

Our  flag  stands  for  an  indissoluble  union  of  in- 
destructible states.  Every  state  is  represented  by  a 
star  and  every  territory  sees  in  the  constitution  a  star 
of  hope  that  will  some  day  take  its  place  in  the  con- 
stellation. What  is  there  in  the  flag  to  awaken  the 
zeal  or  reflect  the  aspirations  of  vassal  colonies  which 
are  too  good  to  be  cast  away,  but  not  good  enough  to 
be  admitted  to  the  sisterhood  of  states? 

Shall  we  keep  the  Philippines  and  amend  our  flag? 
Shall  we  add  a  new  star — the  blood-star,  Mars — to  in- 
dicate that  we  have  entered  upon  a  career  of  con- 
quest? Or  shall  we  borrow  the  yellow  and  paint  Saturn 
and  his  rings,  to  suggest  a  carpet-bag  government, 
with  its  schemes  of  spoliation?  Or  shall  we  adorn  our 
flag  with  a  milky  way  composed  of  a  multitude'  of 
minor  stars  representing  remote  and  insignificant  de- 
pendencies? 

No,  a  thousand  times  better  that  we  haul  down  the 
stars  and  stripes  and  substitute  the  flag  of  an  inde- 
pendent republic  than  surrender  the  doctrines  that 
give  glory  to  "Old  Glory."  It  was  the  flag  of  our 
fathers  in  the  years  that  are  gone;  it  is  the  flag  of  our 
nation  in  the  years  that  are  to  come.  Its  stripes  of 
red  tell  of  the  blood  that  was  shed  to  purchase  liberty ; 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  77 

its  stripes  of  white  proclaim  the  pure  and  heaven-born 
purpose  of  a  government  which  derives  its  just  powers 
from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  The  mission  of  that 
flag  is  to  float — not  over  a  conglomeration  of  common- 
wealths and  colonies — but  over  "the  land  of  the  free 
and  the  home  of  the  brave;"  and  to  that  mission  it 
must  remain  forever  true — forever  true.  [Extract 
from  speech  delivered  at  Lincoln,  Neb.,  December  23, 
1898.'] 


DESTINY 

Whenever  a  statesman  is  unable  to  defend  a  thing 
which  he  wants  to  have  done,  he  usually  hides  behind 
the  plea  that  it  is  destiny.  That  the  readers  of  The 
Commoner  may  be  able  to  answer  this  destiny  argu- 
ment the  following  quotation  is  given  from  the  "Last 
of  the  Barons"  by  Bulwer.  William  of  Hastings  is  de- 
scribed as  laying  his  sins  at"  the  door  of  destiny,  and 
the  author  makes  this  comment:  "It  is  destiny! — 
phrase  of  the  weak  human  heart !  It  is  destiny !  Dark 
apology  for  every  error!  The  strong  and  virtuous  ad- 
mit no  destiny!  On  earth  guides  conscience — in 
heaven,  watches  God.  And  destiny  is  but  the  phantom 
we  invoke  to  silence  the  one,  to  dethrone  the  other!" 

Each  man's  destiny  is  in  his  own  hands  so  far  as 
his  moral  progress  is  concerned.  If  a  man  is  going  to 
be  a  thief,  circumstances  may  determine  whether  it  is 
his  destiny  to  escape  punishment  or  to  be  caught,  but 
the  man  decides  for  himself  the  all-important  question 


78  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

whether  he  will  be  a  thief.  And  so  circumstances  may 
determine  how  much  profit  or  how  little  profit  a  coun- 
try can  find  in  a  policy  of  imperialism,  but  the  country 
itself  must  decide — the  people  or  those  whom  the  peo- 
ple permit  to  speak  for  them — what  the  policy  of  the 
country  will  be.  Destiny  is  indeed  the  dark  apology 
for  many  national  errors.  [From  an  editorial  in  The 
Commoner.] 


EDUCATION 

A  cablegram  from  Manila  says :  "The  first  bill  was 
passed  by  the  Philippine  assembly  today.  It  appro- 
priates one  million  dollars  for  the  construction  of 
schools  throughout  the  provinces.  The  bill  was  passed 
unanimously.  Isauro  Gabaldon,  a  national  member, 
who  was  the  author  of  the  first  law,  proposed  several 
other  measures  at  the  same  time  that  he  introduced  the 
school  bill  into  the  assembly.  His  measures  included 
bills  to  construct,  a  capital  building,  and  to  cancel  the 
indebtedness  of  provinces  and  municipalities  to  the 
insular  government.  It  was  unanimously  decided  to 
inaugurate  legislation  with  the  school  bill." 

It  is  a  good  sign  that  Philippine  legislation  began 
with  an  educational  bill,  and  what  is  better  this  sig- 
nificant course  was  adopted  unanimously. 

By  wise  action  the  Philippine  assembly  can 
strengthen  the  sentiment  in  favor  of  independence  and 
give  complete  answer  to  the  imperialists  who  say  that 
the  Filipinos  are  only  half-civilized  and  incapable  of 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  79 

self-government.      [From  an  editorial  in   The  Com- 
moner.] 

An  education  is  incomplete  which  does  not  place  a 
noble  purpose  behind  mental  training  and  make  the 
hands  willing  to  work.  The  work  should  ultimately 
be  the  largest  work  of  which  the  hands  are  capable, 
but  at  all  times  it  should  be  the  work  that  most  needs 
to  be  done.  That  education  is  also  defective  which  so 
inflames  one's  vanity  or  so  shrivels  one's  heart  as  to 
separate  him  in  sympathy  from  his  fellows.  Educa- 
tion has  been  known  to  do  this — yes,  education  has 
even  been  known  to  make  a  graduate  ashamed  of  his 
parents.  A  Chicago  paper  recently  reported  such  a 
case.  A  mother  who  had  been  denied  the  advantages 
of  the  schools,  but  who  had  by  economy  and  sacrifice 
enabled  her  son  to  attend  college,  visited  him  after  he 
had  established  himself  in  the  practice  of  the  law.  She 
had  looked  forward  for  years  to  his  success,  and  started 
upon  her  visit  with  great  expectations.  She  soon 
learned,  however,  that  her  presence  embarrassed  her 
son — that  he  did  not  want  his  clients  to  know  that  she 
was  his  mother.  Her  heart  was  broken,  and  as  she 
waited  at.the  depot  alone  for  the  train  that  would  bear 
her  back  to  her  humble  home,  she  poured  forth  her 
sorrow  in  a  letter.  If  I  thought  that  any  of  those  who 
receive  their  diplomas  on  this  glad  day  would  allow 
their  superior  advantages  to  lessen  their  affection  for 
their  parents  or  to  decrease  their  devotion  to  them,  I 
would  wish  them  children  again.  Better  loving  com- 
panionship than  intellectual  solitude,  but  there  is  no 


80  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

reason  why  the  scholar  should  be  less  a  son  or  daugh- 
ter. Head  and  heart  should  be  developed  together, 
and  then  each  forward  step  will  bring  increasing  joy, 
strengthen  family  ties  and  make  early  friendship  more 
sacred. 

If  he  is  culpable  who  shrinks  from  full  participation 
in  the  work  of  this  struggling  world,  or  shirks  the 
responsibilities  which  he  is  by  education  prepared  to 
assume,  still  more  culpable  are  those  who,  by  employ- 
ing their  talents  against  society,  prey  upon  those  who 
supplied  their  training.  If  by  force  or  fraud  or  cun- 
ning one  seeks  to  appropriate  to  his -own  use  that  which 
he  has  not  earned,  he  turns  against  the  public  the 
weapons  put  into  his  hand  by  the  public  for  the  pro- 
motion of  the  common  weal.  [Address  entitled  "Man," 
delivered  at  Commencement  Day  exercises,  Nebraska 
State  University,  June  15,  1905.1 


THE  SPRING  AS  AN  ILLUSTRATION 

Those  who  attempt  to  construct  the  world  without 
reference  to  the  spiritual  forces  which  are  a\  work  de- 
fend altruism  on  the  ground  that  it  is  an  enlightened 
self-interest;  they  contend  that  the  doing  of  good  to 
others,  even  sacrificing  for  others,  yields  a  reward  in 
pleasure.  The  difficulty  about  the  philosophy  that  rests 
upon  such  calculations  is,  first,  that  it  is  impossible  for 
one  to  look  far  enough  ahead  to  form  any  accurate 
opinion  as  to  the  time  or  manner  in  which  the  reward 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  81 

is  to  come,  and  second,  that  time  spent  in  calculation 
can  better  be  spent  in  acting.  The  person  who  at- 
tempts to  keep  a  book  account  of  the  good  he  does, 
does  not,  as  a  rule,  do  enough  good  to  justify  an  entry 
in  the  book;  the  spirit  that  leads  him  to  keep  the 
account  continually  hampers  him  in  his  work.  Life 
is  made  up  of  an  innumerable  number  of  small  actsr 
not  considered  worth  doing  by  those  who  are  guided 
by  selfish  considerations.  Of  the  countless  millions 
of  kind  and  generous  acts  done,  but  few  would  have 
been  done  had  it  been  necessary  to  reason  out  just  in 
what  way  the  bread  "cast  upon  the  waters"  would 
return. 

The  spring  is  the  best  illustration  of  a  life  con- 
forming to  the  Christian  ideal.  As  the  spring  pours 
forth  constantly  of  that  which  refreshes  and  invigor- 
ates, seeking  nothing  in  return,  and  asking  not  who 
is  to  be  the  recipient  of  its  bounty,  so  a  life  conse- 
crated to  a  noble  purpose  pours  forth  a  constant  flood 
of  helpfulness;  and  man  is  as  little  able  to  follow 
through  succeeding  generations  the  good  that  he  does 
as  the  spring  is  to  trace  the  refreshing  influence  of  its 
waters.  [Address  entitled  "Man"  delivered  at  Com- 
mencement Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  University,. 
June  15,  1905.] 


FORCE 

Is  it  the  desire  of  any  simply    to    make  our  flag: 
feared?    Let  us  rather  make  it  loved  by  every  human 


82  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

being.  Instead  of  having  people  bow  before  it,  let  us 
have  them  turn  their  faces  toward  it  and  thank  God 
that  there  is  one  flag  that  stands  for  human  rights  and 
for  the  doctrine  of  self-government  everywhere.  There 
are  some  who  say  that  we  must  now  have  the  largest 
navy  in  the  world  in  order  to  terrorize  other  nations, 
and  make  them  respect  us.  But  if  we  make  our  navy 
the  largest  in  the  world,  other  nations  will  increase 
their  navies  because  we  have  increased  ours,  and  then 
we  will  have  to  increase  ours  again  because  they  will 
have  increased  theirs,  and  they  will  have  to  increase 
theirs  again  because  we  have  increased  ours — and  there 
is  no  limit  to  this  rivalry  but  the  limit  of  the  power 
of  the  people  to  bear  the  burdens  of  taxation. 

There  is  a  better,  a  safer  and  a  less  expensive  plan. 
Instead  of  trying  to  make  our  navy  the  largest  in  the 
world,  let  us  try  to  make  our  government  the  best 
government  on  earth.  Instead  of  trying  to  make  our 
flag  float  everywhere,  let  us  make  it  stand  for  justice 
wherever  it  floats — for  justice  between  man  and  man, 
for  justice  between  nation  and  nation,  and  for  hu- 
manity always.  And  then  the  people  of  the  world  will 
learn  to  know  and  to  revere  that  flag,  because  it  will 
be  their  protection  as  well  as  ours.  And  then  if  any 
king  raises  his  hand  against  our  flag,  the  oppressed 
people  of  his  own  land  will  rise  up  and  say  to  him 
"Hands  off!  That  flag  stands  for  our  rights  as  well 
as  the  rights  of  the  American  people."  It  is  possible 
to  make  our  flag  represent  such  an  ideal.  We  shall 
not  fulfill  our  great  mission,  we  shall  not  live  up  to 
our  high  duty,  unless  we  present  to  the  world  the 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  83 

highest  ideals  in  individual  life,  in  domestic  life,  in 
business  life,  in  professional  life,  in  political  life — 
and  the  highest  national  ideal  that  the  world  has  ever 
known.  [From  lecture  entitled  "Value  of  An  Ideal."] 


MARKHAM'S  TRIBUTE   TO  LINCOLN 

Markham  to  a  remarkable  degree  possesses  the 
poetic  faculty  of  embalming  a  beautiful  sentiment  in 
beautiful  language,  so  that  his  words  linger  in  the 
memory.  His  tribute  to  Lincoln,  like  Gray's  Elegy, 
idealizes  the  homely  and  familiar  things  that  are  a  part 
of  the  existence  of  all.  He  ennobles  Lincoln  by  making 
him  one  of  the  common  people  and  by  exalting  the 
real  elements  of  his  greatness. 

Where  can  we  find  such  a  collection  of  beautiful 
and  appropriate  similes? 

The  rectitude  and  patience  of  the  rocks ; 
The  gladness  of  the  wind  that  shakes  the  corn ; 
The  courage  of  the  bird  that  dares  the  sea ; 
The  justice  of  the  rain  that  loves  all  leaves  ; 
The  pity  of  the  snow  that  hides  all  scars ; 
The  loving  kindness  of  the  wayside  well ; 
The  tolerance  and  equity  of  light. 

Here  are  seven  lines,  each  setting  forth  a  virtue  that 
would  immortalize  a  man,  and  all,  like  the  parables,  are 
suggested  by  the  every-day  things  of  life. 


84  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

It  is  a  rare  gift  to  be  able  to  see  the  things  around 
iis,  a  rarer  gift  to  be  able  to  utilize  them  in  speech  or 
prose,  and  a  still  rarer  gift  to  be  able  to  clothe  them 
in  the  resplendent  language  of  poesy.  Markham  has 
an  equipment  of  head  and  heart  that  fits  him  to  por- 
tray a  character  that  could  combine  rectitude,  patience, 
gladness,  courage,  equity,  tolerance,  pity  and  loving 
iindness.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


AMERICAN  MONEY  ABROAD 

Our  forefathers  decided  that  titles  were  dangerous 
to  liberty,  and  it  is  to  be  regretted  that  the  patriotism 
of  Revolutionary  .days  has  given  place  to  a  disgraceful 
scramble,  among  the  daughters  of  some  of  our  multi- 
millionaires, for  lords  and  dukes  and  counts. 

When  an  Englishman  or  Frenchman  or  other 
foreigner,  with  nothing  to  commend  him  but  a  title 
inherited  from  a  remote  ancestor  (and  possibly  re- 
tained only  because  it  could  not  be  pawned),  reaches 
majority,  he  embarks  for  the  United  States  and  enters 
into  negotiations  for  some  marriageable  heiress  or 
heiress-apparent.  Instead  of  teaching  their  daughters 
to  regard  with  favor  the  suits  of  worthy  sons  of  this 
country,  too  many  ambitious  parents  lead  their  daugh- 
ters into  the  market-place,  and  seek  to  barter  a  fortune 
for  a  crown. 

Love  may  leap  across  the  ocean  and  join  in  holy 
wedlock  "two  hearts  that  beat  as  one,"  but  social  am- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  85 

bition  and  hereditary  avarice  can  never  weld  two  hearts 
into  home-building  material. 

When  Cupid  becomes  a  boodler,  and  courtship  is 
carried  on  by  brokers,  marriage  is  a  mockery. 

It  is  significant  that  poor  American  girls,  however 
accomplished,  have  no  charms  for  impecunious  noble- 
men. It  is  also  a  source  of  congratulation  that  Ameri- 
can sons  do  not  seek  foreign  alliances.  It  is  a  shame 
that  some  American  daughters  do.  [From  editorial 
in  Omaha  World-Herald,  Nov.  3,  1895J] 


MIRACLES 

Miracle  of  miracles  is  man!  Most  helpless  of  all 
God's  creatures  in  infancy;  most  powerful  when  fully 
developed,  and  interesting  always.  Led  in  youth  by 
the  parent's  hand,  he  becomes  during  maturity  the 
staff  of  those  who  led  him,  and  in  age  he  is  again 
helpless  and  must  look  for  assistance  to  his  children 
and  his  children's  children.  He  is  ever  both  instructor 
and  pupil,  teaching  while  he  is  being  taught,  daily 
exerting  an  influence  while  he  receives  impressions 
from  his  environment  and  carrying  through  life  a 
power  to  help  and  harm,  little  less  than  infinite. 

What  incalculable  space  between  a  statue,  however 
flawless  the  marble,  however  faultless  the  workman- 
ship, and  a  human  being  "aflame  with  the  passion  of 
eternity!"  If  the  statue  cannot,  like  a  human  being, 
bring  the  gray  hairs  of  a  parent  "in  sorrow  to  the 


86  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

grave,"  or  devastate  a  nation,  or  with  murderous  hand 
extinguish  the  vital  spark  in  a  fellow-being,  neither 
can  it,  like  a  human  being,  minister  to  suffering  man- 
kind, nor  scatter  gladness  "o'er  a  smiling  land"  nor 
yet  claim  the  blessing  promised  in  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount.  Only  to  man,  made  in  the  divine  likeness, 
is  given  the  awful  power  to  choose  between  measure- 
less success  and  immeasurable  woe.  [From  address 
entitled  "Man"  delivered  at  Commencement  Day  ex- 
ercises, Nebraska  State  University,  June  15,  1905, .] 


A  LIVING  FOUNTAIN 

Jeremiah  gave  to  literature  a  beautiful  and  striking 
figure  when,  in  charging  the  children  of  Israel  with 
apostasy,  he  said : 

"They  have  forsaken  me,  the  fountain  of  living  wa- 
ters, and  hewed  them  out  cisterns,  broken  cisterns, 
that  can  hold  no  water." 

One  is  reminded  of  this  forcible  simile  today  when 
a  large  number  of  our  people  seem  inclined  to  turn 
back  to  the  once  discarded  doctrine  of  empires.  To 
compare  self-government  with  an  arbitrary  form  of 
government  is  like  comparing  a  living  fountain  with 
a  broken  cistern. 

When  the  people  are  recognized  as  the  source  of 
power  the  government  is  perpetual,  because  the  people 
endure  forever.  The  government  then  responds  to 
their  desires  and  conforms  to  their  character;  it  can 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  87 

be  made  as  good  as  they  deserve  to  have  and  they  are 
satisfied  with  it  because  it  is  their  own  handiwork. 
If  it  has  evils  those  evils  are  endured,  because  the  peo- 
ple recognize  that  they  themselves  are  to  blame  and 
that  it  is  within  their  power  to  apply  any  needed 
remedy. 

A  government  resting  on  force  is,  on  the  other  hand, 
ever  unstable  because  it  excites  hatred  rather  than 
affection  and  is  continually  at  war  with  human  nature. 
It  is  in  constant  antagonism  to  that  universal  senti- 
ment which  is  defined  as  the  love  of  liberty. 

All  history  sustains  the  self-evident  truths  which 
form  the  foundation  of  a  government  deriving  its 
just  powers  from  the  consent  of  the  governed.  All 
history  condemns  a  political  structure  which  appeals 
only  to  fear  and  relies  upon  bayonets  for  its  support. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.'} 


SERVICE 

That  which  is  told  in  story  by  the  ancient  philoso- 
pher is  set  forth  in  the  form  of  an  injunction  by  the 
Master,  for  when  his  disciples  asked  who  should  be 
greatest  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven,  he  answered:  "Let 
him  who  would  be  chiefest  among  you  be  the  servant 
of  all."  Thus,  if  we  seek  authority  from  history — 
whether  profane  or  sacred — we  find  that  he  is  the 
greatest  who  does  the  most  of  good.  This  is  the  law 
from  which  there  is  no  appeal — a  law  confirmed  by 


88  THE    KEAL    BKYAN 

all  experience,  a  law  proved  by  the  inscriptions  upon 
the  monuments  reared  by  grateful  hands  to  those 
whom  the  world  calls  great. 

And  what  an  opportunity  for  service  'this  age  pre- 
sents !  If  I  had  my  choice  of  all  the  ages  in  which  to 
live,  I  would  choose  the  present  above  all  others.  The 
ocean  steamer  and  the  railway  train  bring  all  the 
corners  of  the  earth  close  together,  while  the  telegraph 
— wire  and  wireless — gives  wings  to  the  news  and 
makes  the  events  of  each  day  known  in  every  land 
during  the  following  night.  The  printing  press  has 
popularized  knowledge  and  made  it  possible  for  each 
one  who  desires  it  to  possess  a  key  to  the  libraries  of 
the  world.  Invention  has  multiplied  the  strength  of 
the  human  arm  and  brought  within  the  reach  of  the 
masses  comforts  which,  until  recently,  even  wealth 
could  not  buy.  The  word  "neighborhood"  no  longer 
describes  a  community;  that  "all  ye  are  brethren" 
can  be  more  readily  comprehended  than  ever  before. 
It  is  easier  for  one  to  distribute  blessings  to  the  world 
today  than  it  was  a  few  centuries  ago  to  be  helpful 
to  the  residents  of  a  single  valley.  A  good  example 
set  anywhere  can  be  seen  everywhere,  so  intimate  has 
become  the  relation  between  man  and  man. 

And  yet  with  the  wonderful  spread  of  knowledge 
and  the  marvelous  range  of  achievement,  there  is  vast 
work  to  be  done.  Conscience  has  not  kept  pace  with 
commerce,  nor  has  moral  growth  increased  with  the 
growth  of  wealth.  The  extremes  of  society  have  been 
driven  farther  and  farther  apart,  and  the  chord  of 
sympathy  between  rich  and  poor  is  greatly  strained. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  89 

Destitution  and  squalor  lurk  in  the  shadow  of  palaces, 
and  great  lawbreakers  vie  with  petty  thieves  in  ignor- 
ing the  statutes  of  the  state.  The  instrumentalities  of 
government  are  being  used  for  public  plunder,  and 
those  who  make  fortunes  through  legislation  employ  a 
tithe  of  their  winnings  for  the  corruption  of  the 
sources  of  public  opinion.  Not  only  is  a  bribe  dangled 
before  the  eyes  of  the  indigent  voter,  but  those  who 
profit  through  the  control  of  the  government  do  not 
hesitate  to  subsidize  newspapers  and  to  scatter  their 
hush  money  wherever  a  protest  can  be  silenced.  The 
opportunity  is  here  and  the  field  inviting.  [From  ad- 
dress entitled  ''Man,"  delivered  at  the  Commencement 
Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  University,  June  15, 
1905.} 


THE  TOMB  OF  NAPOLEON 

You  cannot  visit  Paris  without  being  made  familiar 
with  the  face  of  the  "Little  Corsican,"  for  it  stares  at 
you  from  the  shop  windows  and  looks  down  at  you 
from  the  walls  of  palaces  and  galleries. 

You  see  the  figure  of  "the  man  of  destiny"  in  mar- 
ble and  bronze,  sometimes  on  a  level  with  the  eye, 
sometimes  piercing  the  sky,  as  it  does  in  the  Place  Ven- 
dome  where  it  is  perched  on  top  of  a  lofty  column 
whose  pedestal  and  sides  are  covered  with  panels  in 
relief  made  from  cannon  captured  by  Napoleon  in 
battle. 

The  gigantic  Arch  of  Triumph    on    the    Champs 


90  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

Elysees,  commenced  by  Napoleon  in  commemoration 
of  his  successes,  testifies  to  the  splendor  of  his  con- 
ceptions. 

But  overshadowing  all  other  Napoleonic  monuments 
is  his  tomb  on  the  banks  of  the  Seine,  adjoining  the 
Invalides.  Its  gilded  dome  attracts  attention  from 
afar,  and  on  nearer  approach  one  is  charmed  with  the 
strength  of  its  walls  and  the  symmetry  of  its  propor- 
tions. At  the  door  the  guard  cautions  the  thoughtless 
to  enter  with  uncovered  head,  but  the  admonition  is 
seldom  necessary,  for  an  air  of  solemnity  pervades  the 
place.  In  the  center  of  the  rotunda,  beneath  the 
frescoed  vault  of  the  great  dome,  is  a  circular  crypt. 
Leaning  over  the  heavy  marble  balustrade  I  gazed  on 
the  massive  sarcophagus  below,  which  contains  all  that 
was  mortal  of  that  marvelous  combination  of  intellect 
and  will.  The  sarcophagus  is  made  of  dark  red  por- 
phyry, a  fitly  chosen  stone  that  might  have  been  col- 
ored by  the  mingling  of  the  intoxicating  wine  of 
ambition  with  the  blood  spilled  to  satisfy  it. 

Looking  down  upon  the  sarcophagus  and  the  stands 
of  tattered  battle-flags  that  surround  it,  I  reviewed  the 
tragic  career  of  this  grand  master  of  the  art  of  slaugh- 
ter, and  weighed,  as  best  I  could,  the  claims  made  for 
him  by  his  friends.  And  then  I  found  myself  won- 
dering what  the  harvest  might  have  been  had  Na- 
poleon's genius  led  him  along  peaceful  paths,  had  the 
soil  of  Europe  been  stirred  by  the  plowshare  rather 
than  by  his  trenchant  blade,  and  the  reaping  done  by 
implements  less  destructive  than  his  shot  and  shell. 

Just  beyond  and  above  the  entombed  emperor  stands 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  91 

a  cross  upon  which  hangs  a  life-size  figure  of  the 
Christ,  flooded  by  a  mellow  lemon-colored  light,  which 
pours  through  the  stained  glass  windows  of  the  chapel. 
I  know  not  whether  it  was  by  accident  or  design  that 
this  god  of  war  thus  sleeps,  as  it  were,  at  the  very  feet 
of  the  Prince  of  Peace.  Whether  so  intended  or  not, 
it  will,  to  those  who  accept  the  teachings  of  the  Sermon 
on  the  Mount,  symbolize  love's  final  victory  over  force, 
and  the  triumph  of  that  philosophy  which  finds  hap- 
piness in  helpful  service  and  glory  in  doing  good. 
[From  letter  on  France.] 


SECRET  INFLUENCE 

The  people  have  nothing  to  fear  from  open  enemies. 
The  man  who  boldly  proclaims  a  principle,  no  matter 
what  it  may  be,  can  do  but  little  injury.  No  amount 
of  intellect,  learning  or  eloquence  can  make  him  dan- 
gerous. As  Jefferson  has  expressed  it,  "Error  of 
opinion  may  be  tolerated  where  reason  it  left  free  to 
combat  it."  Truth  grows  in  the  open  field;  the  sun- 
shine nourishes  and  strengthens  it.  It  is  secret  influ- 
ence which  is  constantly  corrupting  government  and 
securing  special  privileges  for  the  few  at  the  expense 
of  the  many.  The  man  who  advocates  a  thing  which 
he  believes  to  be  good  for  the  people  as  a  whole  has  no 
reason  to  conceal  his  purpose;  but  the  man  who  tries 
to  secure  an  advantage  which  he  knows  to  be  benefi- 


92  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

cial  to  some  class  or  combination  but  hurtful  to  the 
public,  naturally  and  necessarily  employs  stealth. 

Would  the  directors  of  a  railroad  company  adopt 
and  publish  a  resolution  designating  their  favorite 
candidate  for  the  legislature,  congress,  the  senate  or  the 
bench?  Would  they  candidly  set  forth  why  they 
wanted  him  and  what  they  expected  of  him  after  they 
got  him?  And  yet  it  is  well  known  that  railroads 
often  take  an  active  part  in  the  selection  of  public 
officials. 

Would  the  directors  of  a  trust  adopt  and  publish  a 
resolution  naming  the  presidential  candidate  they 
would  support  and  announcing  the  contribution  they 
would  make  to  the  campaign  fund?  And  yet  it  is 
certain  that  the  trusts  have  in  the  past  interested  them- 
selves in  campaigns. 

Eternal  vigilance  is  the  price  of  protection  against 
bad  laws  and  misrule  as  well  as  the  price  of  liberty. 
Since  laws  are  made,  construed  and  enforced  by  public 
officials,  it  is  necessary  that  great  care  should  be  exer- 
cised in  the  selection  of  them  in  order  that  they,  when 
selected,  shall  guard  the  interests  of  the  whole  people 
and  not  be  the  mere  agents  of  some  corporation. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


LOVE'S  FESTIVAL 

Christmas  is  love's  festival.     Set  apart  for  the  com- 
memoration of  God's  gift  of  His  Son  it  has  grown 


THE    REAL   BR^AN  93 

into  a  great  holiday  which  is  observed  throughout 
Christendom  by  rich  and  poor  alike.  Even  those  who 
refuse  to  take  upon  themselves  the  vows  of  any  church 
are  constrained  to  join  in  the  beautiful  custom  which 
makes  both  parents  and  children  look  forward  to  this 
day  with  pleasant  anticipations.  For  weeks  before  De- 
cember 25th  busy  hands  are  at  work,  tiny  savings 
banks  are  gathering  in  their  sacred  store  and  eager 
expectancy  is  written  upon  the  faces  of  the  young.  To 
the  boys  and  girls  Santa  Glaus  is  a  sort  of  composite 
donor  who  monopolizes  the  distribution  of  presents  and 
who,  reading  the  minds  of  his  little  friends,  rewards 
the  good  (and  all  are  good  just  before  Christmas)  with 
the  very  toys  that  they  themselves  have  selected,  while 
the  'older  ones  learn  by  experience  that  it  is  more 
blessed  to  give  than  to  receive.  Back  of  Christmas  and 
the  Christmas  present  is  love,  and  the  broad,  brotherly 
love  taught  and  exemplified  by  the  Nazarene  is  not 
content  with  the  remembrances  which  are  exchanged 
as  tokens  of  affection  between  members  of  the  family 
and  between  intimate  friends;  it  is  compelling  a  widen- 
ing of  the  circle  to  include  the  poor  and  the  needy 
though  not  of  kith  or  kin. 

What  an  instructor  love  is!  How  it  develops  the 
one  of  whom  it  takes  possession!  It  is  the  mightiest 
influence  known  among  men.  When  once  it  is  awak- 
ened it  dissolves  all  opposition.  Dr.  Parkhurst,  the  New 
York  clergyman,  in  illustrating  the  difference  be- 
tween force  and  love  said  (quoted  from  memory)  that 
force  is  the  hammer  which  can  break  a  block  of  ice 
into  a  thousand  pieces  but  leaves  each  piece  still  ice, 


94  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

while  love  is  the  ray  of  sunlight  which,  though  acting 
more  slowly  and  silently,  melts  the  ice. 

At  this  season  of  the  year  our  thoughts  turn  to  the 
contemplation  of  the  new  degree  of  love  revealed  to  the 
v*'orld  by  Jesus.  To  the  love  between  members  of  the 
family  and  love  between  friends  He  added  an  all- 
pervading  love  that  includes  every  member  of  the 
human  race.  Even  enemies  are  not  beyond  the  bounds 
of  this  love,  for  man's  puny  arms  are  not  strong  enough 
to  break  the  bonds  that  unite  each  son  of  God  to  all 
his  brethren.  "Love  is  not  stupid,"  says  Tolstoy.  It 
makes  known  to  us  our  duty  to  our  fellows  and  it  will 
some  day  rule  the  world.  Force  is  the  weapon  of  the 
animal  in  us;  after  it  comes  money,  which  the  intellect 
employs,  sometimes  for  good,  sometimes  for  harm.  But 
greater  than  all  is  love,  the  weapon  of  the  heart.  It 
is  a  sword  that  never  rusts,  neither  does  it  break,  and 
the  wounds  that  it  leaves  are  life-saving,  not  life-de- 
stroying. No  armor  can  withstand  it  and  no  antago- 
nist can  resist  it.  But  why  try  to  define  this  love  or  to 
measure  its  scope?  Paul,  the  apostle,  in  his  first  epistle 
to  the  Corinthians  describes  it  in  language  to  which 
nothing  can  be  added  and  from  which  nothing  can  be 
taken.  Let  his  words  suffice: 

"If  I  speak  with  the  tongues  of  men  and  of  angels, 
but  have  not  love,  I  am  become  sounding  brass  or 
clanging  cymbal.  And  if  I  have  the  gift  of  prophecy, 
and  know  all  the  mysteries  and  all  knowledge;  and  if 
I  have  all  faith,  so  as  to  remove  mountains,  but  have 
not  love,  I  am  nothing.  And  if  I  bestow  all  my  goods 
to  feed  the  poor,  and  if  I  give  my  body  to  be  burned, 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  95 

but  have  not  love,  it  profiteth  me  nothing.  Love  suf- 
f ereth  long,  and  is  kind ;  love  envieth  not ;  love  vaunteth 
not  itself,  is  not  puffed  up,  doth  not  behave  itself  un- 
seemly, seeketh  not  its  own,  is  not  provoked,  taketh 
not  account  of  evil;  rejoiceth  not  in  unrighteousness, 
but  rejoiceth  with  the  truth;  beareth  all  things,  be- 
lieveth  all  things,  hopeth  all  things,  endureth  all 
things.  Love  never  faileth;  but  whether  there  be 
prophecies,  they  shall  be  done  away ;  whether  there  be 
tongues,  they  shall  cease;  whether  there  be  knowledge, 
it  shall  be  done  away  with.  For  we  know  in  part,  and 
we  prophesy  in  part,  but  when  that  which  is  perfect 
is  come,  that  which  is  in  part  shall  be  done  away. 
When  I  was  a  child,  I  spake  as  a  child,  I  felt  as  a  child, 
I  thought  as  a  child;  now  that  I  am  become  a  man  I 
have  put  away  childish  things.  For  now  we  see  in  a 
mirror,  darkly;  but  then  face  to  face;  now  I  know  in 
part;  then  shall  I  know  even  as  also  I  have  been  known. 
But 'now  abideth  faith,  hope,  love,  these  three;  and  the 
greatest  of  these  is  love."  [From  an  editorial  in  The 
Commoner.'] 


CRIMINAL  SPECULATION 

If  a  crime  is  defined  as  an  act  the  doing  of  which 
is  prohibited  by  law,  stock  speculation  cannot  be  con- 
sidered criminal,  but  when  the  word  crime  is  used  in 
its  broader  sense  to  describe  an  act  which  offends  against 
morality  or  the  public  welfare,  it  certainly  includes 
that  species  of  gambling  upon  the  market  which  en- 


96  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

dangers  the  community  as  well  as  injures  the  partici- 
pants. A  record  of  Wall  Street's  doings  for  the  last 
week  is  an  idictment  against  our  boasted  civilization. 
That  such  transactions  are  allowed  is  as  much  a  re- 
flection upon  the  intelligence  of  the  country  as  it  is 
upon  the  conscience  of  the  people.  It  is  little  less  than 
amazing  that  a  few  men  should  be  permitted  to  corner 
the  market  for  their  own  selfish  purposes,  beat  down 
the  price  of  one  stock  and  boom  the  price  of  another 
stock,  demoralizing  business  and  jeopardizing  the  in- 
terests of  all  classes  of  society.  It  is  reported  that  the 
slump  in  stocks  amounted  to  seven  hundred  millions 
in  value,  and  that  the  New  York  banks  had  to  put  up 
nearly  twenty  millions  of  dollars  to  prevent  a  panic. 
How  will  the  historian  describe  an  age  in  which  a  petty 
thief  is  sev€rely  punished  while  great  criminals  go  un- 
whipped?  It  often  takes  an  object  lesson  to  arouse  the 
people  to  the  evils  of  a  bad  system  and  the  recent  fluc- 
tuations in  the  stock  market,  costly  as  they  have  been, 
will  be  cheap  if  they  lead  to  legislation  which  will  put 
an  end  to  stock  gambling,  erroneously  described  as 
"business."  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


THE  EFFICACY  OF  EXAMPLE 

If  it  is  legitimate  to  "seek  another's  profit"  and  "to 
work  another's  gain,"  how  can  this  service  best  be  ren- 
dered? This  has  been  the  disputed  point.  Individuals 
and  nations  have  differed  less  about  the  purpose  to 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  97 

be  accomplished  than  about  the  methods  to  be  em- 
ployed. Persecutions  have  been  carried  on  avowedly 
for  the  benefit  of  the  persecuted,  wars  have  been  waged 
for  the  alleged  improvement  of  those  attacked,  and 
still  more  frequently  philanthropy  has  been  adulterated 
with  selfish  interest.  If  the  superior  nations  have  a 
mission  it  is  not  to  wound  but  to  heal — not  to  cast 
down  but  to  lift  up,  and  the  means  must  be  example — 
a  far  more  powerful  and  enduring  means  than  vio- 
lence. Example  may  be  likened  to  the  sun  whose 
genial  rays  constantly  coax  the  buried  seed  into  life 
and  clothe  the  earth,  first  with  verdure  and  afterward 
with  ripened  grain,  while  violence  is  the  occasional 
tempest  which  can  ruin  but  cannot  give  life. 

Can  we  doubt  the  efficacy  of  example  in  the  light  of 
history?  There  has  been  great  increase  in  education 
during  the  last  century  and  the  school  houses  have 
not  been  opened  by  the  bayonet;  they  owe  their  ex- 
istence largely  to  the  moral  influence  which  neighbor- 
ing nations  exert  upon  each  other.  And  the  spread 
of  popular  government  during  the  same  period,  how 
rapid !  Constitution  after  constitution  has  been  adopted 
and  limitation  after  limitation  has  been  placed  upon 
arbitrary  power  until  Russia,  yielding  to  public  opin- 
ion, establishes  a  legislative  body  and  China  sends  com- 
missions abroad  with  a  view  to  inviting  the  people  to 
share  the  responsibilities  of  government. 

While  in  America  and  in  Europe  there  is  much  to 
be  corrected  and  abundant  room  for  improvement  there 
has  never  been  so  much  altruism  in  the  world  as  there 
is  today — never  so  many  who  acknowledge  the  in- 


98  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

dissoluble  tie  that  binds  each  to  every  other  member 
of  the  race.  I  have  felt  more  pride  in  my  own  coun- 
trymen than  ever  before  as  I  have  visited  the  circuit 
of  schools,  hospitals  and  churches  which  American 
money  has  built  around  the  world.  The  example  of 
the  Christian  nations,  though  but  feebly  reflecting  the 
light  of  the  Master,  is  gradually  reforming  society. 

On  the  walls  of  the  temple  at  Karnak  an  ancient 
artist  carved  a  picture  of  an  Egyptian  king.  He  is 
represented  as  holding  a  group  of  captives  by  the  hair 
— one  hand  raising  a  club  as  if  to  strike  them.  No 
king  would  be  willing  to  confess  himself  so  cruel 
today.  In  some  of  the  capitals  of  Europe  there  are 
monuments  built  from,  or  ornamented  with,  cannon 
taken  in  war.  That  form  of  boasting  is  still  tolerated 
but  let  us  hope  that  it  will  in  time  give  way  to  some 
emblem  of  victory  which  will  imply  helpfulness  rather 
than  slaughter.  [From  address  entitled  "The  White 
Man's  Burden,"  delivered  before  The  American  So- 
ciety, London,  July  4,  1906.1 


THE  BUZZARD  AND  THE  BEE 

The  buzzard  has  a  strong  beak,  a  capacious  stomach 
and  a  ravenous  appetite.  It  sometimes  soars  in  grace- 
ful circles  above  the  haunts  of  men,  but  it  is  always 
looking  for  something  to  eat.  Its  eye  is  sharp  and  its 
scent  is  keen,  but  all  its  energies  are  employed  in  pro- 
curing food — and  it  is  not  very  discriminating  in  its 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  99 

taste.  In  fact,  it  revels  in  carrion  while  it  lives  and 
when  it  dies  leaves  nothing  but  a  foul  odor  to  remind 
the  world  of  its  existence. 

The  bee  has  an  instinct  for  sweetness;  it  communes 
daily  with  buds  and  blossoms  and  lives  amid  the  per- 
fume of  the  flowers.  It  sets  an  example  of  industry, 
patience  and  frugality;  it  fares  well,  but  in  addition 
to  making  its  own  living  it  leaves  a  storehouse  full  of 
honey  to  testify  to  its  activity. 

Among  human  beings  there  are  some  who  resemble 
the  buzzard  and  some  who  are  like  the  bee.  Some 
make  no  other  use  of  their  faculties  than  to  search 
constantly  for  food  and  drink.  They  live  in  the  din- 
ing room  and,  ignoring  all  appeals  addressed  to  the 
head  or  heart,  keep  close  to  the  flesh  pots. 

There  are  others — and  may  the  swarm  increase — who 
find  pleasure  in  useful  toil  and  recreation  in  helpful- 
ness; they  extract  good  from  life,  but  they  leave  as  a 
legacy  to  posterity  more  of  the  good  than  they  them- 
selves consume.  Such  enjoy  life  and  add  to  the  enjoy- 
ment of  both  those  who  live  with  them  and  those  who 
live  after  them. 

The  buzzard  must  be  a  buzzard  and  the  bee  must  be 
a  bee — this  is  fate,  but  man  is  free  to  choose  which  he 
will  imitate.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.'] 


GROWTH  OF  DEMOCRACY 

The  democratic  idea  is  growing — the  term  is  not 
used  in  a  partisan  sense,  but  in  that  broader  sense  in 


100  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

which  it  describes  government  by  the  people.  There 
is  not  a  civilized  nation  in  which  the  idea  of  popular 
government  is  not  growing,  and  in  all  the  semi-civil- 
ized nations  there  are  reformers  who  are  urging  an 
extension  of  the  influence  of  the  people  in  government. 
So  universal  is  this  growth  of  democratic  ideas  that 
there  can  be  no  doubt  of  their  final  triumph.  Mon- 
archies, at  first  unlimited,  are  now  limited,  and  limited 
monarchies  are  recognizing  more  and  more  the  right 
of  the  people  to  a  voice  in  their  own  government.  Mon- 
archies and  aristocracies  tend  toward  democracy,  and 
republics  tend  to  become  more  and  more  democratic 
in  their  forms  and  methods. 

When  the  seed,  planted  in  the  earth,  sends  forth  the 
tender  leaf  and  then  the  stalk ;  when  the  grain  appears 
upon  the  stalk  and  supplies  the  bread  necessary  for 
the  support  of  our  bodies,  we  know  that  there  is  back 
of  the  seed  a  force  irresistible  and  constantly  working. 
As  irresistible  and  as  ceaseless  in  its  activity  is  the  force 
behind  political  and  moral  truth.  The  advocates  of  the 
American  theory  of  government  can,  therefore,  labor 
with  the  confident  assurance  that  the  principles  planted 
upon  American  soil  a  century  and  a  quarter  ago  are 
destined  to  grow  here  and  everywhere  until  arbitrary 
power  will  nowhere  be  known,  and  until  the  voice  of 
the  people  shall  be  recognized,  if  not  as  the  voice 
of  God,  at  least,  as  Bancroft  defines  it,  as  the  best  ex- 
pression of  the  divine  will  to  be  found  upon  the  earth. 

In  republics,  as  in  other  forms  of  government,  there 
will  at  times  be  disturbances,  but  these  come  from  a 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  101 

failure  to  recognize  and  respect  the  current  of  public 
opinion.  If  we  stand  by  the  side  of  a  stream  and 
watch  it  glide  past  us,  we  can  in  safety  listen  to  the 
song  of  the  waters,  but  if  we  attempt  to  dam  the  stream 
we  find  the  water  rising  above  the  dam.  If  we  make 
the  dam  higher  still,  the  water  rises  still  more,  and  at 
last  the  force  in  the  obstructed  water  is  so  great  that 
no  dam  made  by  human  hands  can  longer  stay  it. 
Sometimes,  when  the  dam  is  washed  away,  damage  is 
done  to  those  who  live  in  the  valley  below,  but  the 
fault  is  not  in  the  stream,  but  in  those  who  attempt  to 
obstruct  it.  So  in  human  society  there  is  a  current  of 
public  opinion  which  flows  ever  onward.  If  left  to 
have  its  way  it  does  not  harm  anyone,  but  if  obstructed, 
this  current  may  become  a  menace.  At  last  the  ob- 
struction must  yield  to  the  force  of  the  current.  In 
monarchies  and  aristocracies  the  dam  is  sometimes 
built  so  high  that  it  is  removed  by  force,  but  in  repub- 
lics the  ballot  can  be  relied  upon  to  keep  the  channel 
of  the  stream  open,  or  if  obstruction  is  attempted,  to 
remove  it  while  yet  it  can  be  removed  with  safety. 
The  advantage  of  a  republic  is  that  the  people,  through 
their  representatives,  are  able  to  give  public  opinion 
free  play,  and  the  more  democratic  a  republic  is,  the 
more  nearly  does  it  conform  to  the  wishes  of  the  peo- 
pie. 

No  one  can  study  the  governments  of  the  old  world 
without  a  feeling  of  gratitude  that  in  the  new  world  the 
science  of  government  has  been  carried  to  its  highest 
point,  and  we  of  the  United  States  can  rejoice  that  our 
nation  leads  the  world  in  recognizing  the  right  of  the 


102  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

people  to  devise  and  to  direct  the  government  under 
which  they  are  to  work  out  their  destiny.  [From  letter 
on  Study  of  Governments.} 


MISREPRESENTING  THE  DEMOCRAT 

Just  now  the  trust  magnates  are  hurling  epithets  at 
those  who  seek  to  destroy  the  trusts.  They  assume  to 
be  the  special  custodians  of  property  rights,  and  charge 
anti-monopolists  with  communistic,  socialistic  and  an- 
archistic designs  upon  "the  thrifty  and  the  successful." 
As  a  matter  of  fact  the  reformer  has  never  been  more 
grossly  misrepresented  than  he  is  now  by  the  monopo- 
lists. It  is  the  trust  magnate,  not  the  opponents  of  the 
trust,  who  is  striking  at  property  rights.  He  tres- 
passes upon  the  property  rights  of  the  small  manu- 
facturer and  the  retailer,  and  heartlessly  drives  him 
into  bankruptcy.  He  trespasses  upon  the  property 
rights  of  the  consumers,  who  have  a  right  to  purchase 
what  they  need  in  a  free  market  at  a  reasonable  price. 
The  monopolist  simply  appropriates  the  property  of 
others.  The  trust  magnate  often  trespasses  upon  the 
property  rights  of  the  employe,  whose  skill  and  muscle 
he  utilizes.  He  encourages  the  employe  to  invest  in  a 
home  and  then  he  sacrifices  that  home  if  he  engages 
in  a  war  with  his  laborers  or  finds  it  profitable  to  dis- 
mantle his  plant.  Even  the  property  interests  of  the 
stockholders  are  not  safe  in  the  hands  of  the  trust  mag- 
nate, for  he  has  been  known  to  depress  the  market  for 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  103 

the  purpose  of  freezing  out  his  associates  or  in  order 
to  buy  more  stock  at  a  low  price.  TLose  who,  believing 
that  "a  private  monopoly  as  indefensible  and  in- 
tolerable," are  laboring  to  restore  competition  and  to 
protect  the  small  producer,  the  consumer,  the  merchant 
and  the  skilled  laborer — these,  not  the  trust  magnates, 
are  the  real  defenders  of  property  rights.  [From  an 
article  published  in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  in 
1905.'] 


PURITY  IN  POLITICS 

While  the  subject  of  reciprocity  in  tariff  laws  is  be- 
ing discussed  there  is  another  kind  of  reciprocity  which 
should  not  be  overlooked,  namely,  reciprocity  between 
the  people  and  their  public  servants.  The  people  owe 
it  to  their  public  servants  to  commend  and  encourage 
them  when  they  do  well,  and  it  is  not  only  the  privi- 
lege, but  the  duty,  of  the  people  to  condemn  and  re- 
buke officials  when  they  betray  their  trust. 

The  public  servant,  on  the  other  hand,  is  under  ob- 
ligation to  the  people  who  elect  him  and  to  the  party 
which  he  represents.  When  he  becomes  the  agent  of 
the  people  to  carry  out  their  will,  he  takes  an  oath 
that  he  will  be  honest  and  faithful.  If  he  violates  that 
oath  he  ought  not  to  expect  the  people  to  be  more  con- 
siderate of  his  feelings  than  he  has  been  of  their  rights. 
If  he  sells  them  out  he  has  no  reason  to  complain  if 
they  turn  him  out.  If  he  has  received  his  price  he 
ought  not  to  complain  if  they  pursue  their  remedy  and 


104  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

select  some  one  else  to  represent  them.  Why  should 
a  party  support  an  official  who  has  brought  disgrace 
upon  it  by  his  unfaithfulness?  If  his  devotion  to  his 
party  is  not  sufficient  to  make  him  behave  himself,  his 
party  ought  not  to  be  so  devoted  to  him  as  to  shield 
him  from  deserved  punishment. 

When  a  good  official  falls,  his  party  cannot  escape 
some  censure  even  though  the  official's  previous  record 
was  such  as  to  justify  the  party's  confidence,  but  a 
party  cannot  defend  an  official  after  his  fall  without 
assuming  responsibility  for  his  sins.  Neither  is  it 
incumbent  upon  a  party  to  incur  risk  in  defending  a 
member  of  the  party  against  charges  not  yet  proved 
in  court.  Purity  in  politics  requires  not  merely  that 
officials  shall  keep  out  of  the  penitentiary,  but  that 
they  shall  be  above  suspicion.  If  under  suspicion  let 
them  step  aside  until  the  cloud  is  removed.  When  an 
official  shows  the  first  symptoms  of  that  disastrous  of- 
ficial disease  known  as  "the  itching  palm"  he  should 
be  quarantined  until  he  is  entirely  recovered  or  until 
it  is  shown  that  he  did  not  have  the  disease.  If  he  is 
a  manly  man  he  will  prefer  seclusion  during  the  in- 
vestigation and  his  vindication  will  be  the  more  com- 
plete when  iit  comes,  but  the  party  by  taking  the  sus- 
picion upon  itself  will  so  weaken  itself  that  it  cannot 
be  of  service  to  him  even  after  vindication. 

The  democratic  party  has  suffered  occasionally  be- 
cause of  corrupt  officials  in  city,  county,  state  and  na* 
tion.  As  a  matter  of  policy  as  well  as  a  matter  of 
principle  it  ought  to  make  an  example  of  every  guilty 
democrat.  It  will  by  so  doing  win  the  confidence  of 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  105 

the  people  and  by  warning  democratic  officials  that 
punishment  follows  wrongdoing,  it  will  lessen  the 
number  of  betrayals. 

Let  every  honest  democrat  resolve  to  fearlessly  prose- 
cute every  corrupt  democratic  official  and  thus  make 
the  party  stand  for  public  honor  and  fidelity  to  public 
interests.  This  advice  is  especially  applicable  to  Penn- 
sylvania politics.  Even  republican  papers  are  open 
in  their  charges  of  corruption  in  high  places  and  it 
is  evident  that  some  of  the  democrats  have  been  be- 
smirched by  republican  corruptionists.  The  party 
should  be  purged  of  these  ungrateful  and  odorous  mis- 
representative.-.  Pennsylvania  politics  needs  purify- 
ing and  the  democratic  party  must  purge  itself  of  these 
rotten  members  if  it  expects  to  be  a  potent  factor  in 
the  cleansing  of  the  state.  [From  an  editorial  in  The 
Commoner.] 


UNION 

I  am  told  that  in  this  county  were  fought  more 
battles  than  in  any  county  of  like  size  in  the  world, 
and  that  upon  the  earth  within  the  limits  of  this  coun- 
ty there  fell  more  dead  and  wounded  than  ever  fell 
on  a  similar  space  in  all  the  history  of  the  world.  Here 
opposing  lines  were  drawn  up  face  to  face ;  here  oppos- 
ing armies  met  and  stared  at  each  other  and  then 
sought  to  take  each  other's  lives.  But  all  these  scenes 
have  passed  away  and  those  who  once  met  in  deadly 
array  now  meet  and  commingle  here  as  friends.  Here 


106  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

the  swords  have  been  turned  into  plowshares,  here  the 
spears  have  been  converted  into  pruning  hooks  and 
people  learn  war  no  more.  Here  the  bands  on  either 
side  once  stirred  up  the  flagging  zeal  with  notes  that 
thrilled  the  hearts  of  men.  These  two  bands  are  now 
component  parts  of  one  great  band,  and  as  that  band 
marches  on  in  the  lead  playing  "Yankee  Doodle"  and 
"Dixie"  too,  the  war-scarred  veterans  who  wore  the 
blue  and  the  war-scarred  veterans  who  wore  the  gray 
follow,  side  by  side,  each  vying  with  the  other  in  the 
effort  to  make  this  the  greatest  and  the  best  of  all  the 
nations  on  God's  footstool.  [From  speech  delivered 
at  Frederic ksburg,  Va.,  during  the  campaign  of  1896.] 


A  generation  ago  New  England  helped  to  free  the 
black  slaves  of  the  South,  and  today  the  Southern  peo- 
ple rejoice  that  it  was  accomplished.  The  time  has 
come  when  the  Southern  people  are  helping  to  free  the 
white  slaves  of  the  North ;  and  in  the  fullness  of  time 
New  England  will  rejoice  in  its  accomplishment. 
Thomas  Jefferson,  although  a  Virginian,  favored 
emancipation,  and  yet  that  sentiment,  born  in  the 
South,  ripened  and  developed  in  the  North  until  it 
came  down  and  conquered  the  land  from  which  it 
sprung. 

The  idea  of  commercial  freedom  had  its  birthplace 
in  the  North,  but  it  has  spread  over  the  States  of  the 
South  and  West,  and  it  will  come  back  from  these 
great  sections  and  conquer  the  land  in  which  it  had  its 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  107 

birth.  Let  us  not  stir  anew  the  dying  embers  of  civil 
strife.  I  did  not  live  through  those  days.  It  was  not 
my  good  fortune  to  be  permitted  to  show  my  loyalty 
to  the  Union  or  my  devotion  to  a  State ;  and  there  are 
over  all  the  South  young  men  who  have  grown  to  man- 
hood since  the  war;  and  they  and  their  fathers  rejoice 
today  in  the  results  of  the  war,  achieved  against  their 
objection.  These  men  do  not  deserve  your  scorn;  they 
do  not  merit  your  contempt.  They  are  ready  to  fight 
side  by  side  with  you,  shoulder  to  shoulder,  in  making 
this  the  most  glorious  nation  that  the  world  has  ever 
seen.  I  have  no  doubt  of  the  loyalty  of  the  South,  and 
I  honor  the  sentiments  so  eloquently  expressed  the 
other  day  by  the  gentleman  from  Georgia  (Mr.  Black) 
when  he  spoke  in  praise  of  the  flag  which  he  at  one 
time  disowned. 

These  gentlemen  from  the  South,  sir,  who  speak  for 
union  and  fraternal  love,  and  the  men  from  the  North 
who  echo  their  sentiments,  reflect  the  wishes  of  the 
people  of  this  country  far  more  accurately  than  the 
political  volcanoes  which  break  into  active  eruption 
every  two  years.  Welcome  to  these  sons  of  the  South! 
We  gladly  join  them  in  every  work  which  has  for  its 
object  equality,  freedom  and  justice.  And  1  rejoice 
that  the  people  of  these  once  estranged  sections  are 
prepared  to  celebrate  the  complete  reunion  of  the  North 
and  South  so  beautifully  described  by  the  poetess  when 
she  says : 

"Together,"  shouts  Niagara,  his  thunder-toned  decree ; 
"Together,"  echo  back  the  waves  upon  the  Mexic  sea; 


108  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

''Together,"-  sing  the  sylvan  hills  where  old  Atlantic 

roars; 
"Together,"  boom  the  breakers  on  the  wild  Pacific 

shores ; 

"Together,"  cry  the  people,  and  "together"  it  shall  be, 
An  everlasting  charter-bond  forever  for  the  free; 
Of  Liberty  the  signet-seal,  the  one  eternal  sign, 
Be  those  united  emblems. — the  Palmetto  and  the  Pine. 

[From  speech  delivered  in  House  of  Representatives, 
January  13, 


THE  DOCTRINES  OF  THE  NAZARENE 

The  tokens  of  love  and  affection  exchanged  during 
the  Christmas  season  are  small  when  compared  with 
the  great  gift  brought  to  humanity  by  the  meek  and 
lowly  Nazarene  in  whose  honor  Christmas  day  is  ob- 
served. 

To  the  Christian,  Jesus  came  as  an  unspeakable  gift, 
His  face  illumined  by  a  divine  radiance,  His  life  sur- 
rendered in  fulfillment  of  a  divine  plan,  His  resurrec- 
tion fixing  in  the  firmament  a  star  of  hope  that  shall 
never  be  dimmed.  But  even  those  outside  of  the 
church,  •as  well  as  its  members,  share  in  the  benefit 
which  humanity  has  received  from  the  example  and 
teachings  of  the  Man  of  Galilee. 

In  a  letter  written  to  a  friend,  Thomas  Jefferson 
analyzed  the  doctrines  of  Christ  as  they  relate  to  man's 
conduct  toward  his  fellows,  saying: 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  109 

"His  moral  doctrines,  relating  to  kindred  and 
friends,  were  more  pure  and  perfect  than  those  of  the 
most  correct  of  the  philosophers,  and  greatly  more  so 
than  those  of  the  Jews ;  and  they  went  far  beyond  both 
in  inculcating  universal  philanthropy,  not  only  to 
kindred  and  friends,  to  neighbors  and  coutrymen,  but 
to  all  mankind,  gathering  all  into  one  family,  under 
the  bonds  of  love,  charity,  peace,  common  wants  and 
common  aids.  A  development  of  this  head  will  evince 
the  peculiar  superiority  of  the  system  of  Jesus  over 
all  others. 

"The  precepts  of  philosophy  and  of  the  Hebrew  code 
laid  hold  of  action  only.  He  pushed  his  scrutinies  into 
the  heart  of  man ;  created  his  tribunal  in  the  region  of 
his  thought,  and  purified  the  waters  at  the  fountain 
head." 

Those  who  accept  Jesus  as  the  Son  of  God  and  wor- 
ship Him  as  such  can  attribute  the  marvelous  spread 
of  His  gospel  to  a  supernatural  force  behind  it ;  those, 
however,  who  dispute  His  divinity  must  find  in  the 
doctrines  themselves  an  explanation  of  their  increasing 
hold  upon  the  human  heart.  No  language  that  can  be 
employed  by  pen,  no  words  that  can  be  spoken  by  the 
tongue,  can  exaggerate  the  influence  which  Christ's 
philosophy  has  already  exerted  upon  the  race,  or  esti- 
mate its  future  power. 

Between  the  doctrine  of  might  and  the  doctrine  of 
right;  between  the  principle  that  propagates  itself  by 
the  sword  and  the  principle  that  grows  through  the 
persuasive  influence  of  its  own  intrinsic  merit ;  between 
the  grasping,  over-reaching  spirit  that  enthrones  self 


110  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

and  sacrifices  all  else  to  its  own  advantage  and  the 
generous,  manly  recognition  of  the  rights  of  others; 
between  a  measure  of  greatness  that  estimates  a  man  by 
what  he  has  absorbed  from  society  and  that  which  es- 
timates men  worthy  in  proportion  as  they  do  service 
and  diffuse  blessings — these  differences  surpass  com- 
prehension. 

If  Jesus  had  left  nothing  but  the  Parables,  His 
name  would  have  been  imperishable  in  literature;  if 
He  had  bequeathed  to  posterity  nothing  but  the  sim- 
plicity of  his  speech  and  the  irresistible  logic  of  His 
argument,  He  wrould  have  had  a  permanent  place 
among  the  orators  of  the  world ;  if  He  had  given  to  the 
world  nothing  but  the  commandment  "Thou  shalt  love 
thy  neighbor  as  thyself,"  enforced  as  it  was  by  His 
own  example,  this  one  gift  would  have  been  sufficient 
to  outweigh  all  the  wealth  of  all  the  world;  if  He  had 
left  no  record  but  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount,  it  alone 
would  have  made  His  natal  day  worthy  of  perpetual 
celebration — but  all  these,  added  to  the  matchless 
majesty  of  a  perfect  life  and  the  inspiring  influence 
of  an  all-pervading  love,  are  turning  the  eyes  of  an 
ever-increasing  number  to  the  path  that  He  trod  from 
the  manger  to  the  cross. 

Love  was  the  dominating  force  of  His  life  and  love 
is  today  the  overmastering  impulse  whose  ebb  and  flow 
mark  the  retreat  and  advance  of  civilization.  And  love, 
too,  sanctifies  the  Christmas  gift.  With  it  the  merest 
trifle  swells  into  an  object  of  importance;  without  it 
the  most  expensive  present  dwindles  into  insignificance. 
Love  is  the  alchemy  which  invests  with  priceless  value 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  111 

all  that  it  touches — the  magic  wand  that  converts  the 
humblest  cottage  into  a  palace  and  gives  to  earth's 
pilgrims  a  glimpse  of  paradise.  [From  an  editorial  in 
The  Commoner.'] 


ORATORY 

During  Revolutionary  days  the  Old  Dominion  fur- 
nished not  only  the  first,  but  the  greatest  of  our  execu- 
tives. During  the  Revolutionary  days  Virginia  fur- 
nished the  greatest  of  all  statesmen — not  of  that  period 
alone,  but  of  all  time;  for  no  other  statesman,  before 
or  since,  stands  in  the  class  with  Thomas  Jefferson. 
But,  not  satisfied  with  presenting  the  greatest  executive 
and  statesman,  Virginia  presented  an  orator  worthy  to 
be  classed  with  Demosthenes,  who  has  for  more  than 
twenty  centuries  been  the  world's  model  in  public 
speaking.  As  an  impassioned  orator,  even  Demosthenes 
was  not  superior  to  Patrick  Henry. 

Sometimes  I  receive  a  letter  from  a  student  who 
tells  me  that  he  is  a  born  orator,  and  wants  to  know 
what  such  an  one  should  do  to  prepare  himself  for  his 
life  work.  I  generally  reply  that  orators  must  be  born 
like  other  people,  but  that  birth  is  the  smallest  part  of 
an  orator's  equipment.  Men  are  not  born  orators.  If 
I  want  to  calculate  the  future  of  a  young  man  in  pub- 
lic speaking,  I  do  not  ask  him  whether  his  mother 
spoke  well,  or  his  father  spoke  a  great  deal;  I  do  not 
think  it  makes  much  difference.  An  orator  is  a  prod- 
uct of  his  time,  and  there  are  and  always  will  be 


112  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

orators  when  there  are  great  interests  at  stake,  and 
when  men  arise  with  a  message  to  deliver. 

There  are  two  essentials  in  oratory ;  first  that  the  man 
shall  know  what  he  is  talking  about,  and  second,  that 
he  shall  mean  what  he  says.  You  can  not  have  elo- 
quence without  these  two  essentials.  If  a  man  does 
not  know  a  thing,  he  can  not  tell  it — if  he  is  not  in- 
formed himself,  he  can  not  inform  others;  and  if  he 
does  not  feel  in  his  own  heart,  he  can  not  make  any- 
body else  feel. 

And  next  to  these  two,  I  would  place  clearness  of 
statement.  There  are  not  only  certain  self-evident 
truths,  but  all  truth  is  self-evident,  and  the  best  service 
one  can  render  truth  is  to  present  it  so  clearly  that  it 
can  be  understood,  for  if  the  truth  is  clearly  stated 
you  do  not  need  to  defend  it,  it  defends  itself. 

I  do  not  mean  to  say  that  any  truth  can  be  so  clearly 
stated  that  no  one  will  dispute  it.  I  think  it  was  Lord 
Macaulay  who  said  that  if  any  money  was  to  be  made 
by  it,  learned  men  would  be  found  to  dispute  the  laws 
of  'gravitation.  But  what  I  mean  to  say  is  this,  that  a 
truth  can  be  so  clearly  stated  that  no  one  will  dispute 
it  unless  he  has  some  reason  for  disputing  it. — 
sometimes  a  pecuniary  reason,  sometimes  a  reason 
founded  upon  prejudice  or  some  other  selfish  interest, 
— and  when  you  find  a  man  disputing  a  self-evident 
truth  there  is  no  use  arguing  with  him;  it  is  a  waste 
of  time.  Argue  with  some  one  who  is  open  to  con- 
viction. For  instance,  if  you  say  to  a  man,  "It  is 
wrong  to  steal,"  a  self-evident  truth,  and  he  says,  "I  do 
not  know  about  that,"  it  is  no  use  to  argue  with  him — 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  113 

search  him,  and  you  will  probably  find  the  reason  in 
his  pocket. 

Next  to  clearness  of  statement,  I  would  put  concise- 
ness of  statement — the  saying  much  in  a  few  words. 

Patrick  Henry  had  all  of  these  qualities.  He  knew 
what  he  was  talking  about,  he  understood  the  funda- 
mental principles  of  the  science  of  government ;  he  un- 
derstood human  rights,  and  he  understood  the  human 
heart.  He  not  only  knew  what  he  was  talking  about, 
but  he  meant  what  he  said — he  spoke  from  his  heart 
to  the  hearts  of  those  who  listened.  There  were  learned 
and  influential  men  in  those  days  who  opposed  him,, 
but  when  he  made  his  impassioned  appeal  to  the  sense 
of  justice  he  was  greater  than  all  of  them.  He  had 
the  power  of  stating  a  question  clearly.  He  could  strip 
away  the  verbiage  that  is  sometimes  used  to  conceal 
ideas,  he  could  present  the  idea  clearly,  and  he  could 
present  a  thought  in  a  few  words.  No  great  thought 
has  ever  been  more  strongly  presented,  more  clearly 
presented,  more  concisely  presented  than  that  great 
thought  which  he  presented  when  he  exclaimed :  "Give 
me  liberty  or  give  me  death !"  He  might  have  spoken 
for  hours,  but  he  could  not  have  added  to  the  strength 
of  the  statement  by  the  use  of  further  words.  He  was 
a  great  orator,  and  his  influence  rested  upon  his  ability 
to  speak  to  the  hearts  of  the  people.  He  did  not  speak 
for  himself,  no  orator  can  speak  for  himself  and  be 
eloquent.  He  must  have  a  larger  cause. 

If  a  man  is  to  be  eloquent  he  must  speak  for  man- 
kind; only  then  can  he  appeal  to  the  hearts  of  men.  A 
man  is  of  little  importance  in  this  world,  except  as  he 


114  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

can  advance  a  principle,  or  help  his  fellows.  Patrick 
Henry  seized  a  great  principle  and  brought  it  into 
prominence.  He  spoke  not  for  himself,  but  for  all  the 
people  of  this  country — he  was  the  voice  of  the  people, 
he  was  the  conscience  of  the  masses,  and  therefore 
when  he  spoke  for  them  he  carried  conviction.  He 
presented  in  a  few  words  the  greatest  theme  that  we 
have  to  deal  with  in  matters  of  government.  [From 
speech  at  the  Jamestown  Exposition,  May  30,  1907.] 


A  BADGE  OF  SHAME 

The  free  pass  is  one  of  the  great  evils  of  the  day, 
and  no  public  official  is  in  a  position  to  discharge  his 
duty  to  the  people  if  he  places  himself  under  obliga- 
tions to  the  corporations. 

The  battle  against  the  free  pass  is  not  a  temporary 
struggle.  Unless  we  are  prepared  to  confess  that  pop- 
ular government  is  a  farce,  that  battle  will  not  cease 
until  the  pass  has  been  abolished. 

In  the  meantime  let  it  be  understood  everywhere 
that  a  free  pass  in  the  hands  of  a  public  official  is  a 
hadge  of  shame.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Com- 
moner.] 


PROTECTING  PROPERTY  RIGHTS 

The  democratic  party  is  not  the  enemy  of  property 
or  -of  property  rights;  it  is,xon  the  contrary,  the  best 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  115 

defender  of  both,  because  it  defends  human  rights,  and 
human  rights  are  the  only  foundation  upon  which 
property  and  property  rights  can  rest  securely.  The 
democratic  party  does  not  menace  a  single  dollar 
legitimately  accumulated;  on  the  contrary,  it  insists 
upon  the  protection  of  rich  and  poor  alike  in  the  en- 
joyment of  that  which  they  have  honestly  earned. 
The  democratic  party  does  not  discourage  thrift,  but 
on  the  contrary  stimulates  each  individual  to  the 
highest  endeavor  by  assuring  him  that  he  will  not 
be  deprived  of  the  fruits  of  his  toil. 

If  we  can  but  repeal  the  laws  which  enable  men  to 
reap  where  they  have  not  sown — laws  which  enable 
them  to  garner  into  their  overflowing  barns  the  har- 
vests that  belong  to  others — no  one  will  be  able  to 
accumulate  enough  to  make  his  fortune  dangerous  to 
the  country.  Special  privilege  and  the  use  of  the  tax- 
ing power  for  private  gain — these  are  the  twin  pillars 
upon  which  plutocracy  rests.  To  take  away  these  sup- 
ports and  to  elevate  the  beneficiaries  of  special  legis- 
lation to  the  plane  of  honest  effort  ought  to  be  the 
purpose  of  our  party. 

And  who  can  suffer  injury  by  just  taxation,  im- 
partial laws  and  the  application  of  the  Jeffersonian 
doctrine  of  equal  rights  to  all  and  special  privileges 
to  none?  Only  those  whose  accumulations  are  stained 
with  dishonesty  and  whose  immoral  methods  have 
given  them  a  distorted  view  of  business,  of  society  and 
government.  Accumulating  by  conscious  frauds  more 
money  than  they  can  use  upon  themselves,  wisely  dis- 
tribute or  safely  leave  to  their  children,  these  denounce 


116  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

as  public  enemies  all  who  question  their  methods  or 
throw  a  light  upon  their  crimes.  [From  Madison 
Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


THE  FIRST  VOTER 

Young  man,  great  responsibility  attaches  to  your 
first  vote.  As  you  begin,  so  you  are  likely  to  continue. 
The  momentum  that  carries  you  into  a  party  at  the 
beginning  of  your  political  life  is  apt  to  keep  you 
in  that  party  unless  some  convulsion  shakes  you  out 
of  it.  Start  right,  and  in  order  that  you  may  start 
right,  examine  the  principles  of  the  parties  and  the 
policies  which  they  advocate. 

There  are  two  great  party  organizations  in  the 
United  States,  one  fifty  years  old,  and  the  other  more 
than  a  century  old.  The  republican  party  has  been 
in  power  almost  uninterruptedly  for  more  than  half  a 
century,  and  under  its  reign  abuses  have  grown  up 
which  threaten  the  perpetuity  of  the  government  and 
endanger  our  civilization.  So  great  are  these  abuses 
that  republican  reformers  are  now  pointing  out  that 
something  must  be  done — and  what  can  be  done?  The 
first  thing  is  to  undo  the  things  that  have  been  done, 
and  the  party  to  undo  these  abuses  is  not  the  party 
which  has  done  them,  but  the  party  which  has  pro- 
tested against  these  abuses  and  pointed  out  remedies. 

The  repblican  party  has  turned  the  taxing  power 
over  to  private  individuals;  it  has  allowed  monopolies 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  117 

to  grow  up  and  assume  control  of  the  industries  of 
the  country  by  granting  privileges  by  law  and  by  giv- 
ing immunity  to  the  large  violators  of  the  law;  the 
republican  party  has  permitted  the  fortunes  of  the 
predatory  rich  to  become  so  large  that  government  is 
corrupted,  politics  debauched  and  business  polluted. 

The  democratic  party  proposes  to  withdraw  the  tax- 
ing power  from  private  hands,  to  so  legislate  as  to 
make  a  private  monopoly  impossible,  and  to  enforce 
the  law  without  discrimination.  It  proposes  to  protect 
legitimate  wealth  and  punish  those  who  attempt  to 
plunder  the  public  for  private  gain.  On  which  side 
do  you  stand,  young  man?  Are  you  with  the  masses 
in  their  effort  -to  restore  the  government  to  its  old 
foundation  and  make  it  a  government  of  the  people, 
for  the  people,  and  by  the  people,  or  are  you  with  the 
republican  leaders  in  their  effort  to  perpetuate  the 
party  in  power  by  selling  immunity  in  return  for 
campaign  contributions? 

There  are  always  two  parties  in  the  country,  and 
one  is  necessarily  nearer  to  the  people  than  the  other. 
In  this  country  the  democratic  party  is  nearer  to  the 
people  than  the  republican  party.  Its  leaders  have 
more  faith  in  the  people  and  are  more  anxious  to  keep 
the  government  under  the  control  of  the  people.  Take 
the  election  of  United  States  senators  by  the  people  as 
a  test.  The  democrats  want  to  give  to  the  voters  a 
chance  to  elect  and  to  control  their  representatives  in 
the  United  States  senate.  The  democratic  party  in 
the  house  of  representatives  passed  the  first  resolution 
for  the  submission  of  the  necessary  constitutional 


118  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

amendment.  They  did  this  eight  years  before  any  re- 
publican congress  did  it.  The  democratic  party  has 
twice  demanded  this  reform  in  its  national  platform. 
The  republican  party  has  not  done  so.  Why  do  demo- 
cratic leaders  insist  upon  this  reform  and  repub- 
lican leaders  oppose  it?  There  can  be  but  one 
answer — the  democratic  party  is  nearer  to  the  people 
than  the  republican  party.  Young  man,  will  you 
stand  with  the  people  or  against  them? 

The  answer  to  this  question  affects  your  country. 
If  you  are  with  the  people  your  influence,  be  it  great 
or  small,  will  hasten  their  victory.  If  you  are  against 
the  people,  your  influence  may  retard  that  victory. 
But  while  in  the  first  instance  it  is  your  country  that 
may  gain  or  lose  by  your  action,  you  must  remember 
that  in  the  long  run  your  own  position  in  politics  will 
depend  upon  your  conduct.  You  can  not  fool  the 
people  always.  You  may  lead  them  astray  if  you  dare, 
but  they  will  punish  you  when  they  find  you  out. 
You  may  work  for  the  people  without  their  recogniz- 
ing it  at  first,  but  you  can  trust  them  to  discover  the 
character  of  your  work  and  to  reward  you  accordingly. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


TRIBUTE  TO  JEFFERSON 

There  are  wrongs  to  be  righted ;  there  are  evils  to  be 
eradicated;  there  is  injustice  to  be  removed;  there  is 
good  to  be  secured  for  those  who  toil  and  wait.  In 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  119 

this  fight  for  equal  laws  we  cannot  fail,  for  right  is 
mighty  and  will  in  time  triumph  over  all  obstacles. 
Even  if  our  own  eyes  do  not  behold  success  we  know 
that  our  labor  is  not  in  vain,  and  we  can  lay  down  our 
weapons,  happy  in  the  promise  given  by  Bryant  to 
the  soldier: 

"Yea,  though  thou  lie  upon  the  dust, 
When  they  who  helped  thee  flee  in  fear, 

Die  full  of  hope  and  manly  trust, 
Like  those  who  fell  in  battle  here. 

"Another  hand  thy  sword  shall  wield; 

Another  hand  the  standard  wave; 
Till  from  the  trumpet's  mouth  is  pealed 

The  blast  of  triumph  o'er  thy  grave." 

Let  us,  then,  with  the  courage  of  Andrew  Jackson, 
apply  to  present  conditions  the  principles  taught  by 
Thomas  Jefferson — Thomas  Jefferson,  the  greatest 
constructive  statesman  whom  the  world  has  ever 
known;  the  grandest  warrior  who  ever  battled  for 
human  liberty!  He  quarried  from  the  mountain  of 
eternal  truth  the  four  pillars  upon  whose  strength  all 
popular  government  must  rest.  In  the  Declaration  of 
American  Independence  he  proclaimed  the  principles 
•with  which  there  is,  without  which  there  cannot  be, 
"a  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  and  for 
the  people."  When  he  declared  that  "all  men  are 
created  equal ;  that  they  are  endowed  by  their  Creator 
with  certain  inalienable  rights;  that  among  these  are 


120  THE    KEAL    BRYAN 

life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness;  that  to 
secure  these  rights  governments  are  instituted  among 
men,  deriving  their  just  powers  from  the  consent  of 
the  governed,"  he  declared  all  that  lies  between  the 
Alpha  and  Omega  of  democracy. 

Alexander  "wept  for  other  worlds  to  conquer,"  after 
he  had  carried  his  victorious  banner  throughout  the 
then  known  world;  Napoleon  "rearranged  the  map  of 
Europe  with  his  sword"  amid  the  lamentations  of  those 
by  whose  blood  he  was  exalted;  but  when  these  and 
other  military  heroes  are  forgotten  and  their  achieve- 
ments disappear  in  the  cycle's  sweep  of  years,  chil- 
dren will  still  lisp  the  name  of  Jefferson,  and  free- 
men will  ascribe  due  praise  to  him  who  filled  the  kneel- 
ing subject's  heart  with  hope  and  bade  him  stand 
erect — a  sovereign  among  his  peers.  [From  speech 
delivered  in  House  of  Representatives,  June  5,  1894-] 


DOCTRINE  OF  ELECTION 

There  is  one  thing  about  the  Presbyterian  Church 
that  I  did  not  like,  but  I. have  had  an  explanation  of 
it  recently  that  makes  me  accept  that;  so  I  am  in  a 
very  genial  frame  of  mind  so  far  as  churches  are  con- 
cerned. The  one  thing  that  I  did  not  like  about  the 
Presbyterian  church  was  the  doctrine  of  election.  I 
have  had  a  good  deal  of  trouble  with  that — religiously, 
and  otherwise — but  I  heard  an  explanation  of  the  doc- 
trine of  election  that  has  reconciled  me  to  it,  and  in 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  121 

the  hope  that  there  may  be  some  Presbyterians  here 
who  can  be  helped  by  it,  I  will  tell  you  this  story : 

Two  colored  preachers  down  in  Georgia  were  dis- 
cussing religion,  as  they  are  wont  to  do  sometimes,  and 
the  Presbyterian  brother  was  trying  to  persuade  the 
Methodist,  and  the  Methodist  brother  hung  back  on 
the  doctrine  of  election.  The  Presbyterian  brother 
said:  "It's  just  this  way — the  voting  is  going  on  all 
the  time;  the  Lord  is  voting  for  you  and  the  devil  is 
voting  against  you,  and  whichever  way  you  vote,  that's 
the  way  the  election  goes." 

It  is  the  best  definition  of  the  doctrine  of  election 
that  I  know  of.  [From  address  entitled  "Democracy's 
Appeal  to  Culture,"  delivered  before  the  Alumni  As- 
sociation of  Syracuse  University,  at  Hotel  Astor,  New 
York,  January  27,  1905.'] 


"A  DREAM  IN  MARBLE" 

Of  all  the  works  of  art  that  can  be  traced  to  the 
genius  of  Shah  Jehan,  nothing  compares  with  the 
Tomb,  the  Taj  Mahal,  which  he  reared  in  honor  of 
the  best-loved  of  his  wives,  Numtaj  Mahal,  "the  chosen 
of  the  palace."  This  building,  unique  among  build- 
ings and  alone  in  its  class,  has  been  described  so  often 
that  I  know  not  how  to  speak  of  it  without  employing 
language  already  hackneyed.  When  I  was  a  student  at 
college  I  heard  a  lecturer  describe  this  wonderful  tomb, 
and  it  was  one  of  the  objective  points  in  our  visit  to 


122  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

India.  Since  I  first  heard  of  it  I  had  read  so  much 
of  it,  and  had  received  such  glowing  accounts  from 
those  who  had  seen  it,  that  I  feared  lest  the  expecta- 
tions aroused  might  be  disappointed. 

We  reached  Agra  toward  midnight,  and,  as  the 
moon  was  waning,  drove  at  once  to  the  Taj  that  we 
might  see  it  under  the  most  favorable  conditions,  for 
in  the  opinion  of  many  it  is  most  beautiful  by  moon- 
light. There  is  something  fascinating  in  the  view 
which  it  thus  presents,  and  we  feasted  our  eyes  upon 
it.  Shrouded  in  the  mellow  light, 'the  veins  of  the 
marble  and  the  stains  of  more  than  two  and  a  half 
centuries  are  invisible,  and  it  stands  forth  like  an  ap- 
parition. We  visited  it  again  in  the  day  time,  and  yet 
again,  and  found  that  the  sunlight  increased  rather 
than  diminished  its  grandeur.  I  am  bringing  an 
alabaster  miniature  home  with  me,  but  I  am  conscious 
that  the  Taj  must  be  seen  full  size  and  silhouetted 
against  the  sky  to  be  appreciated. 

Imagine  a  garden  with  flowers  and  lawn,  walks  and 
marble  water  basins  and  fountains;  in  this  garden 
build  a  platform  of  white  marble  eighteen  feet  high 
and  three  hundred  feet  square,  with  an  ornamented 
minaret  one  hundred  and  thirty-seven  feet  high  at 
each  corner ;  in  the  center  of  this  platform  rear  a  build- 
ing one  hundred  and  eighty  feet  square  and  a  hundred 
feet  high,  with  its  corners  beveled  off  and,  like  the 
sides,  recessed  into  bays ;  surmount  it  with  a  large  cen- 
tral dome  and  four  smaller  ones;  cover  it  inside  and 
out  with  inlaid  work  of  many  colored  marbles  and 
carvings  of  amazing  delicacy;  beneath  the  central 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  123 

dome  place  two  marble  centetaphs,  inlaid  with  precious 
stones,  the  tombs  of  Shah  Jehan  and  his  wife,  and  en- 
close them  in  exquisitely  carved  marble  screens — im- 
agine all  this,  if  you  can,  and  then  your  conception  of 
this  world-famed  structure  will  fall  far  below  the  Taj 
Mahal  itself. 

It  is,  indeed,  "a  dream  in  marble."  And  yet,  when 
one  looks  upon  it  and  then  surveys  the  poverty  and 
ignorance  of  the  women  who  live  within  its  shadow, 
he  is  tempted  to  ask  whether  the  builder  of  the  Taj 
might  not  have  honored  his  wife  more  had  the  six 
million  dollars  invested  in  this  tomb  been  expended 
on  the  elevation  of  womanhood.  The  contrast  between 
this  artistic  pile  and  the  miserable  tenements  of  the 
people  about  it  robs  the  structure  of  half  its  charms. 
[From  letter  on  Mohammedan  India.] 


MAN'S  LIMITATIONS 

Man  is  a  religious  being;  the  heart  instinctively 
seeks  for  a  God.  Whether  he  worships  on  the  banks  of 
the  Ganges,  prays  with  his  face  toward  the  sun,  kneels 
toward  Mecca  or,  regarding  all  space  as  a  temple,  com- 
munes with  the  Heavenly  Father  according  to  the 
Christian  creed,  man  is  essentially  devout. 

Some  regard  religion  as  a  superstition,  pardonable 
in  the  ignorant  but  unworthy  of  the  educated — a  men- 
tal state  which  one  can  and  should  outgrow.  Those 
who  hold  this  view  look  down  with  mild  contempt 


124  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

upon  such  as  give  to  religion  a  definite  place  in  their 
thoughts  and  lives.  They  assume  an  intellectual  supe- 
riority and  often  take  little  pains  to  conceal  the  as- 
sumption. Tolstoy  administers  to  the  "cultured 
crowd"  (the  words  quoted  are  his)  a  severe  rebuke 
when  he  declares  that  the  religious  sentiment  rests  not 
upon  a  superstitious  fear  of  the  invisible  forces  of 
nature,  but  upon  man's  consciousness  of  his  finiteness 
amid  an  infinite  universe  and  of  his  sinfulness ;  and  this 
consciousness,  the  great  philosopher  adds,  man  can 
never  outgrow.  Tolstoy  is  right;  man  recognizes  how 
limited  are  his  own  powers  and  how  vast  is  the  uni- 
verse, and  he  leans  upon  the  arm  that  is  stronger  than 
his.  Man  feels  the  weight  of  his  sins  and  looks  for 
One  who  is  sinless. 

Religion  has  been  defined  as  the  relation  which  man 
fixes  between  himself  and  his  God,  morality  being  the 
outward  manifestation  of  this  relation.  Every  one,  by 
the  time  he  reaches  maturity,  has  fixed  some  relation 
between  himself  and  God  and  no  material  change  in 
this  relation  can  take  place  without  a  revolution  in  the 
man,  for  this  relation  is  the  .supreme  thing  in  his 
life.  [From  "The  Prince  of  Peace"  an  address  de- 
livered on  various  occasions.] 


A  CHILD'S  INFLUENCE 

What  unfathomed  possibilities  are  wrapped  within 
the  swaddling  clothes  that  enfold  an  infant!     Who 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  125 

can  measure  a  child's  influence  for  weal  or  woe?  Be- 
fore it  can  lisp  a  word,  it  has  brought  to  one  woman 
the  sweet  consciousness  of  motherhood,  and  it  has 
given  to  one  man  the  added  strength  that  comes  with 
a  sense  of  responsibility.  Before  its  tiny  hands  can 
lift  a  feather's  weight,  they  have  drawn  two  hearts 
closer  together  and  its  innocent  prattle  echoes  through 
two  lives.  Every  day  that  child  in  its  growth  touches 
and  changes  someone;  not  a  year  in  all  its  history 
but  that  it  leaves  an  impress  upon  the  race.  Its  smiles, 
its  tears,  its  joys,  its  sorrows — all  are  garnered  up,  and 
when  that  child  reaches  the  age  of  15  or  16  and  the 
parents  send  it  to  college,  they  entrust  this  priceless 
creature  to  the  care  of  teachers.  What  do  you  do  with 
it?  How  do  you  deal  with  it?  Train  it  in  the  sciences? 
Train  it  in  the  languages?  It  is  not  sufficient  that  the 
child  shall  know  how  old  the  earth  is,  how  far  the  stars 
are  apart,  or  the  forces  that  attract  or  repel  each  other. 
There  is  something  more  important  to  that  child  than 
any  or  all  of  these — it  is  to  know  how  to  live,  and  how 
can  that  child  know  how  to  live  unless  it  knows  that 
it  is  linked  by  indissoluble  ties  to  every  other  human 
being?  Great  is  the  responsibility  of  the  college?  The 
college  ought  to  send  forth,  not  simply  scholars,  but 
men  and  women  prepared  to  do  a  great  work.  If  a 
man  standing  upon  an  eminence  sees  danger  afar,  you 
condemn  him  if  he  does  not  warn  those  in  the  valley 
of  the  danger's  approach.  Are  the  scholars  of  this  land, 
standing  upon  eminences,  watching  and  warning  their 
fellows?  I  fear  that  too  many  of  them  are  satisfied  to 
simply  enjoy  life — satisfied  simply  to  accumulate,  re- 


126  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

garding  their  education  as  a  private  possession  that 
they  can  use  as  they  please.  I  must  learn  again  my 
religion — whether  it  be  Methodist  or  Presbyterian,  or 
taught  in  any  other  church — before  I  can  accept  this 
doctrine  in  regard  to  man.  [From  address  entitled 
"Democracy's  Appeal  to  Culture,"  delivered  before  the 
Alumni  Association  of  Syracuse  University,  at  Hotel 
Astor,  New  York,  January  27,  1905.1 


THE  SECRET  OF  LIFE 

Science  has  taught  us  so  many  things  that  we  are 
tempted  to  conclude  that  we  know  everything,  but 
there  is  really  a  great  unknown  which  is  still  unex- 
plored and  that  which  we  have  learned  ought  to  in- 
crease our  reverence  rather  than  our  egotism.  Science 
has  disclosed  some  of  the  machinery  of  the  universe, 
but  science  has  not  yet  revealed  to  us  the  great  secret — 
the  secret  of  life.  It  is  to  be  found  in  even-  blade  of 
grass,  in  every  insect,  in  every  bird  and  in  every  ani- 
mal, as  well  as  in  man.  Six  thousand  rears  of  recorded 
history  and  yet  we  know  no  more  about  the  secret  of 
life  than  they  knew  in  the  beginning.  "We  live,  we 
plan ;  we  have  our  hopes,  our  fears ;  and  yet  in  a  mo- 
ment a  change  may  come  over  any  one  of  us  and  then 
this  body  will  become  a  mass  of  lifeless  clay.  What  is 
it  that,  having,  we  live,  and  having  not  we  are  as  the 
clod?  We  know  not, and  yet  the  progress  of  the  race 
and  the  civilization  which  we  now  behold  are  the  work 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  127 

of  men  and  women  who  have  not  solved  the  mystery 
of  their  own  lives. 

And  our  food,  must  we  understand  it  before  we  eat 
it?  If  we  refused  to  eat  anything  until  we  could  un- 
derstand the  mystery  of  its  growth,  we  would  die  of 
starvation.  But  mystery  does  not  bother  us  in  the 
dining  room;  it  is  only  in  the  church  that  it  is  an 
obstacle. 

1  was  eating  a  piece  of  watermelon  some  months  ago 
and  was  struck  with  its  beauty.  I  took  some  of  the 
seeds  and  weighed  them,  and  found  that  it  would 
require  some  five  thousand  seeds  to  weigh  a  pound. 
And  then  I  applied  mathematics  to  a  forty. pound 
melon.  One  of  these  seeds,  put  into  the  ground,  when 
warmed  by  the  sun  and  moistened  by  the  rain  goes  to 
work;  it  gathers  from  somewhere  two  hundred  thou- 
sand times  its  own  weight  and,  forcing  this  raw  mate- 
rial through  a  tiny  stem,  constructs  a  watermelon.  It 
covers  the  outside  with  a  coating  of  green;  inside  of 
the  green  it  puts  a  layer  of  white,  and  within  the  white 
a  core  of  red,  and  all  through  the  red  it  scatters  seeds 
each  one  capable  of  continuing  the  work  of  repro- 
duction. I  can  not  explain  the  watermelon  but  I  eat 
it  and  enjoy  it.  Everything  that  grows  tells  a  like 
story  of  infinite  power.  Why  should  I  deny  that  a 
divine  hand  fed  a  multitude  with  a  few  loaves  and 
fishes  when  I  see  hundreds  of  millions  fed  every  year 
by  a  hand  which  converts  the  seeds  scattered  over  the 
field  into  an  abundant  harvest?  We  know  that  food 
can  be  multiplied  in  a  few  months'  time ;  shall  we  deny 
the  power  of  the  Creator  to  eliminate  the  element  of 


128  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

time,  when  we  have  gone  so  far  in  eliminating  the  ele- 
ment of  space?  [From  "The  Prince  of  Peace"  an  oA- 
dress  delivered  on  various  occasions.] 


THE  CHILDREN'S  LEGACY 

I  have  given  you  a  few  evidences  of  growth  that 
encourage  men  to  helieve  that  better  times  are  coming 
for  those  who  want  purity  in  politics  and  a  govern- 
ment responsive  to  the  will  of  the  people. 

And  now  let  me  give  you  what  I  regard  as  even  a 
more  encouraging  sign;  that  is,  the  activity  of  the 
well-to-do  men  on  the  people's  side  of  these  questions, 
for  these  reforms  have  generally  heretofore  found  their 
advocacy  among  the  poor  people.  I  regard  it  as  a 
splendid  sign  that  men  of  independent  means,  men 
who  have  no  fear  for  themselves  or  for  their  own  posi- 
tions, are  beginning  to  recognize  that  there  is  some- 
thing in  this  world  more  important  than  the  making 
of  money,  and  that  these  men  are  beginning  to  give  to 
those  questions  the  benefit  of  their  business  experience 
arid  of  their  brain.  In  the  last  few  years  I  have  been 
gratified  beyond  measure  to  have  men  of  means  come 
to  me  and  tell  me  of  their  interest  in  these  reforms, 
altruistic  interest,  if  you  please,  unselfish  interest ;  men 
not  seeking  public  office;  men  asking  for  nothing  in 
the  way  of  favors  from  the  government,  but  men  who 
recognize  that  this  government  must  be  better  than  it 
has  been  if  we  are  to  leave  the  legacy  we  ought  to 
leave  to  our  children. 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  129 

I  am  glad,  my  friends,  to  find  this  increasing  num- 
ber, and  I  want  to  look  upon  these  questions  as  these 
men  do,  for  I  am  in  an  independent  position.  My 
poverty  was  overestimated  when  they  called  me  poor 
just  as  my  wealth  is  overestimated  now,  when  they  call 
me  rich.  I  was  never  so  poor  that  I  could  not  have 
everything  I  needed,  and  my  wants  are  as  simple  now, 
and  my  tastes  as  modest  as  when  I  was  a  struggling 
young  lawyer  and  my  wife  and  I  were  doing  our  work 
together.  I  have  no  fear  about  my  income,  no  doubt 
that  I  can  take  care  of  myself,  no  doubt  that  I  can 
leave  my  children  as  much  as  I  think  I  ought  to  leave 
them.  I  do  not  believe  in  leaving  children  much.  I 
am  glad  my  father  did  not  leave  me  much,  for  if  I  had 
grown  up  in  anticipation  of  a  fortune  I  would  not 
have  developed  the  industry  that  I  did  develop  when  I 
found  that  I  had  to  make  my  own  living.  I  do  not 
want  my  children  to  be  spoiled 'by  the  expectation  of 
a  great  deal  of  money;  I  shall  be  able  to  leave  them 
enough. 

Why  should  a  man  want  to  leave  only  money  to  his 
children?  If  you  leave  money  it  may  take  the  wings 
of  the  morning  and  fly  away.  You  must  leave  your 
children  something  better  than  money.  There  is  a 
growing  class  in  this  country,  an  increasing  number  of 
our  citizens,  who  recognize  that  the  best  legacy  a  father 
can  leave  to  his  children  is  not  fortune,  but  a  govern- 
ment that  will  protect  his  children  in  their  enjoyment 
of  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness,  and  guar- 
antee to  them  a  fair  share  of  the  proceeds  of  their  own 
toil. 


130  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

I  welcome,  therefore,  as  allies  in  the  great  fight  that 
we  have  before  us,  not  only  the  poor  who  have  felt  the 
pressure  of  bad  laws,  but  also  those  well-to-do  people 
whose  hearts  beat  in  sympathy  with  the  hearts  of  the 
struggling  masses;  and  I  am  glad  to  have  these  two 
classes  stand  side  by  side  and  fight  shoulder  to  shoulder. 
The  fact  that  they  are  doing  it  in  increasing  numbers 
is  evidence  of  the  truth  of  what  Dumas  wrote  thirteen 
years  ago  and  Tolstoy  ten  years  ago.  They  declared 
the  coming  of  an  era  of  brotherhood. 

I  rejoice  that  I  have  lived  to  see  this  day  when  men 
of  means  are  recognizing  that  the  poor  man  is  made  in 
the  image  of  the  same  God  whose  image  the  well-to- 
do  man  wears;  that  these  men  are  recognizing  that 
the  poor  man  loves  his  children  as  much  as  the  rich 
man  loves  his  children.  This  recognition  of  kinship 
will  enable  us  to  solve  these  questions  in  the  spirit 
of  brotherly  love  and,  solving  them,  give  an  impetus 
to  progress  and  civilization.  [From  a  speech  at  ban- 
quet given  by  People's  Lobby,  Newark,  New  Jersey, 
May  5,  1907.'] 


HUMANITY'S  SEARCH  FOR  PEACE 

All  the  world  is  in  search  of  peace;  every  heart 
that  ever  beat  has  sought  peace  and  many  have  been 
the  methods  employed  to  find  it.  Some  have  thought 
to  purchase  it  with  riches  and  they  have  labored  to 
secure  wealth,  hoping  to  find  peace  when  they  were 
able  to  go  where  they  pleased  and  buy  what  they 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  131 

liked.  Of  those  who  have  endeavored  to  purchase 
peace  with  money,  the  large  majority  have  failed  to 
secure  the  money.  But  what  has  been  the  experience 
of  those  who  have  been  successful  in  accumulating 
money?  They  all  tell  the  same  story,  viz.,  that  they 
spend  the  first  half  of  their  lives  trying  to  get  money 
from  others  and  the  last  half  trying  to  keep  others 
from  getting  their  money,  and  that  they  found  peace 
in  neither  half.  Some  kave  even  reached  the  point 
where  they  find  difficulty  in  getting  people  to  accept 
their  money;  and  I  know  of  no  better  indication  of 
the  ethical  awakening  in  this  country  than  the  in- 
creasing tendency  to  scrutinize  the  methods  of  money 
making.  A  long  step  in  advance  will  have  been  taken 
when  religious,  educational  and  charitable  institu- 
tions refuse  to  condone  immoral  methods  in  business 
and  leave  the  possessor  of  ill-gotten  gains  to  learn  the 
loneliness  of  life  when  one  prefers  money  to  morals. 

Some  have  sought  peace  in  social  distinction,  but 
whether  they  have  been  within  the  charmed  circle 
and  fearful  lest  they  might  fall  out,  or  outside  and 
hopeful  that  they  might  get  in,  they  have  not  found 
peace. 

Some  have  thought,  vain  thought!  to  find  peace  in 
political  prominence;  but  whether  office  comes  by 
birth  as  in  monarchies  or  by  election  as  in  repub- 
lics, it  does  not  satisfy  a  selfish  ambition.  An  office 
is  conspicuous  only  when  few  can  occupy  it.  But 
few  in  a  generation  can  hope  to  be  the  chief  execu- 
tive of  their  city,  state  or  nation.  I  am  glad  that 
our  Heavenly  Father  did  not  make  the  peace  of  the 


132  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

human  heart  depend  upon  the  accumulation  of  wealth, 
or  upon  the  securing  of  social  or  political  distinction, 
for  in  either  case  but  few  could  have  enjoyed  it,  but 
when  He  made  peace  the  reward  of  a  conscience  void 
of  offense  toward  God  and  man,  He  put  it  within 
the  reach  of  all.  The  poor  can  secure  it  as  easily  as 
the  rich,  the  social  outcast  as  freely  as  the  leader  of 
society  and  the  humblest  citizen  equally  with  those 
who  wield  political  power.  [From  "The  Prince  of 
Peace/'  an  address  delivered  on  various  occasions.'] 


REAL  GREATNESS 

Christ  has  given  us  a  measure  of  greatness  which 
eliminates  conflicts.  When  His  disciples  disputed 
among  themselves  as  to  which  should  be  greatest  in 
the  kingdom  of  heaven,  He  rebuked  them  and  said, 
"Let  him  who  would  be  chiefest  among  you  be  the 
servant  of  all."  Service  is  the  measure  of  greatness; 
it  always  has  been  true,  it  is  true  today,  and  it  always 
will  be  true,  that  he  is  greatest  who  does  the  most  of 
good.  And  yet,  what  a  revolution  it  will  work  in  this 
old  world  when  this  standard  becomes  the  standard  of 
every  life.  Nearly  all  of  our  controversies  and  com- 
bats arise  from  the  fact  that  we  are  trying  to  get  some- 
thing from  each  other — there  will  be  peace  when  our 
aim  is  to  do  something  for  each  other.  Our  enmities 
and  animosities  arise  from  our  efforts  to  get  as  much 
as  possible  out  of  the  world — there  will  be  peace  when 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  133 

our  endeavor  is  to  put  as  much  as  possible  into  the 
world.  Society  will  have  taken  an  immeasurable 
step  toward  peace  when  it  estimates  a  citizen  by  his 
output  rather  than  by  his  income  and  gives  the  crown 
of  its  approval  to  the  one  who  makes  the  largest  con- 
tribution to  the  welfare  of  all.  [From  "The  Prince  of 
Peace,"  an  address  delivered  by  Mr.  Bryan  on  various 
occasions.] 


FAITH 

Man  needs  faith  in  God,  therefore,  to  strengthen 
him  in  his  hours  of  trial,  and  he  needs  it  to  give  him 
courage  to  do  the  work  of  life.  How  can  one  fight 
for  a  principle  unless  he  believes  in  the  triumph  of 
the  right?  How  can  he  believe  in  the  triumph  of 
the  right  if  he  does  not  believe  that  God  stands  back 
of  the  truth  and  that  God  is  able  to  bring  victory  to 
truth?  The  man  of  faith,  believing  that  every  word 
spoken  for  truth  will  have  its  influence  and  that  no 
blow  struck  for  righteousness  is  struck  in  vain,  fights 
on  without  asking  whether  he  is  to  fall  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  battle  or  to  live  to  join  in  the  shouts 
of  triumph.  He  knows  not  whether  he  is  to  live  for 
the  truth  or  to  die  for  it,  and  if  he  has  the  faith  he 
ought  to  have,  he  is  as  ready  to  die  for  it  as  to  live 
for  it. 

Faith  will  not  only  give  you  strength  when  you 
fight  for  righteousness,  but  your  faith  will  bring  dis- 
may to  your  enemies.  There  is  power  in  the  pres- 


134  THE   REAL   BRYAN 

ence  of  an  honest  man  who  does  right  because  it  is 
right  and  dares  to  do  the  right  in  the  face  of  all  oppo- 
sition. It  is  true  today,  and  has  been  true  through  all 
history  that  "One,  with  God,  shall  chase  a  thousand; 
and  two,  put  ten  thousand  to  flight." 

If  your  preparation  is  complete  so  that  you  feel  con- 
scious of  your  ability  to  do  great  things;  if  you  have 
faith  in  your  fellowmen,  and  become  a  colaborer  with 
them  in  the  raising  of  the  general  level  of  society;  if 
you  have  faith  in  our  form  of  government,  and  seek  to 
purge  it  of  its  imperfections  so  as  to  make  it  more  and 
more  acceptable  to  our  own  people  and  to  the  oppressed 
of  other  nations;  and  if  in  addition  you  have  faith  in 
God  and  in  the  triumph  of  the  right,  no  one  can  set 
limits  to  your  achievements.  This  is  the  greatest,  of 
all  the  ages  in  which  to  live.  The  railroads  and  tele- 
graph wires  have  brought  the  corners  of  the  earth  close 
together,  and  it  is  easier  today  for  one  to  be  helpful  to 
the  whole  world  than  it  was  a  few  centuries  ago  to  be 
helpful  to  the  inhabitants  of  a  single  valley.  This  is 
the  age  of  great  opportunity  and  of  great  responsi- 
bility. Let  your  faith  be  large,  and  let  this  large  faith 
inspire  you  to  perform  a  large  service.  [From  an  ad- 
dress delivered  at  various  college  commencements,  dur- 
ing 1906  and  entitled  "Faith."] 


DREAMERS 

It  is  the  fate  of  those  who  stand  in  a  position  of 
leadership  to  receive  credit  which  really  belongs  to 


THE   REAL   BRYAN  135 

their  co-workers.  Even  the  enemies  of  a  public  man 
exaggerate  the  importance  of  his  work  without,  of 
course,  intending  it.  I  have  recently  been  a  victim  of 
this  exaggeration.  Senator  Beveridge,  of  Indiana, 
made  a  speech  before  the  Republican  Club  of  Lincoln 
and  in  it  he  paid  me  some  compliments;  but  he  said 
that  I  was  merely  a  dreamer  while  President  Roose- 
velt did  things.  But  it  is  something  to  be  a  dreamer. 
I  did  not  pay  much  attention  to  the  title  which  he  gave 
me  until  I  read  shortly  afterwards  that  Speaker  Can- 
non called  me  a  dreamer;  then  Governor  Cummins 
called  me  a  dreamer,  and  then  Governor  Hanley,  of 
Indiana,  did  also;  and  I  saw  that  I  could  not  expect 
acquittal  with  four  such  witnesses  against  me,  and  so 
I  decided  to  plead  guilty  and  justify. 

I  went  to  the  Bible  for  authority,  •  as  I  am  in  the 
habit  of  doing,  for  I  have  never  found  any  other  book 
which  contains  so  much  of  truth  or  in  which  truth  is 
so  well  expressed;  and  then,  too,  there  is  another  rea- 
son why  I  quote  scripture:  When  I  quote  democratic 
authority,  the  republicans  attack  my  authority  and 
they  keep  me  so  busy  defending  the  men  from  whom 
I  quote  that  I  do  not  have  time  to  do  the  work  I  want 
to  do,  but  when  I  quote  scripture  and  they  attack  my 
authority,  I  can  let  them  fight  it  out  with  the  Bible 
while  I  go  on  about  my  business. 

The  Bible  tells  of  dreamers,  and  among  the  most 
conspicuous  was  Joseph.  He  told  his  dreams  to  his 
brothers,  and  his  brothers  hated  him  because  of  his 
dreams.  And  one  day  when  his  father  sent  him  out 
where  his  brothers  were  keeping  their  floeks  in  Dothan, 


136  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

they  saw  him  coming  afar  off  and  said:  "Behold,  the 
dreamer  cometh."  They  plotted  to  kill  him — and  he 
is  not  the  only  dreamer  who  has  been  plotted  against 
in  this  old  world.  But  finally  they  decided  that  in- 
stead of  killing  him  they  would  put  him  down  in  a 
pit,  but  some  merchants  passing  that  way,  the  broth- 
ers decided  to  sell  him  to  the  merchants,  and  the  mer- 
chants carried  Joseph  down  into  Egypt. 

The  brothers  deceived  their  father  and  made  him 
think  the  wild  beasts  had  devoured  his  son. 

Time  went  on  and  the  brothers  had  almost  forgot- 
ten the  dreamer  Joseph.  But  a  famine  came — yes,  a 
famine — and  then  they  had  to  go  down  into  Egypt  and 
buy  corn,  and  when  they  got  there,  they  found  the 
dreamer — and  he  had  the  corn. 

So  I  decided  that  it  was  not  so  bad  after  all  for  one 
to  be  a  dreamer — if  one  has  the  corn. 

But  the  more  I  thought  of  the  dreamer's  place  in 
history,  the  less  I  felt  entitled  to  the  distinction. 

John  Boyle  O'Reilly  says  that 

"The  dreamer  lives  forever, 
While  the  toiler  dies  in  a  day." 

And  is  it  not  true? 

In  traveling  through  Europe  you  find  great  cathe- 
drals, and  back  of  each  there  was  a  dreamer.  An  archi- 
tect had  a  vision  of  a  temple  of  worship  and  he  put 
that  vision  upon  paper.  Then  the  builders  began,  and 
they  laid  stone  upon  stone  and  brick  upon  brick  until 
finally  the  temple  was  completed — completed  some- 
times centuries  after  the  dreamer's  death.  And  people 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  137 

now  travel  from  all  corners  of  the  world  to  look  upon 
the  temple,  and  the  name  of  the  dreamer  is  known 
while  the  names  of  the  toilers  are  forgotten. 

No,  I  cannot  claim  a  place  among  the  dreamers, 
but  there  has  been  a  great  dreamer  in  the  realm  of 
statesmanship — Thomas  Jefferson.  He  saw  a  nation 
bowed  beneath  oppression  and  he  had  a  Vision  of  a 
self-governing  people  among  whom  every  citizen  was 
a  sovereign,  and  where  no  one  dared  or  cared  to  wear 
a  crown.  He  put  his  vision  upon  paper  and  for  more 
than  a  century  multitudes  have  been  building.  They 
are  building  at  this  temple  in  every  nation;  some  day 
it  will  be  completed  and  then  the  people  of  all  the 
world  will  find  protection  beneath  its  roof  and  security 
within  its  walls.  I  shall  be  content  if,  when  my  days 
are  numbered,  it  can  be  truthfully  said  of  me  that 
with  such  ability  as  I  possessed,  and  whenever  oppor- 
tunity offered,  I  labored  faithfully  with  the  multitude 
to  build  this  building  higher  in  my  time.  [From  a 
speech  delivered  at  Lincoln,  November,  1906.] 


PENSIONS 

The  party  expresses  its  pride  in  the  soldiers  and  sail- 
ors of  all  our  wars,  and  declares  its  purpose  to  deal 
generously  with  them  and  their  dependents.  A  lib- 
eral policy  is  natural  and  necessary  in  a  government 
which  depends  upon  a  citizen  soldiery,  instead  of  a 
large  standing  army.  Self-interest,  as  well  as  grati- 


138  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

tude,  compels  the  government  to  make  bountiful  pro- 
vision for  those  who,  in  the  hour  of  danger,  and  at 
great  sacrifice  of  business,  health  and  life,  tender  their 
services  to  their  country. 

The  pension  laws  should  be  construed  according  to 
the  generous  spirit  which  prompted  their  passage.  The 
platform  very  properly  reiterates  the  position  taken  in 
1896,  that  the  fact  of  enlistment  shall  be  deemed  con- 
clusive evidence  that  the  soldier  was  sound  when  the 
government  accepted  him.  A  certificate  given  now  to 
the  health  of  a  person  40  years  ago,  even  if  easily  ob- 
tainable, should  not  have  as  much  weight  as  the  cer- 
tificate of  the  medical  officer  who  examined  the 
volunteer  with  a  view  of  ascertaining  his  fitness  for 
army  service.  [Letter  of  acceptance,  1900.'] 


A   CENTRAL   BANK. 

It  cannot  be  denied  that  the  tendency  among  our 
great  financiers  is  toward  the  establishment  of  just  such 
a  bank  as  is  proposed  by  Mr.  Morgan  (a  central  bank). 
Such  a  bank  would  be  able  to  control  not  only  the  purse 
strings  of  the  nation  but  the  purse  strings  of  the  people. 
Because  of  this  enormous  power,  such  a  bank  would  be 
able  to  control  elections,  dictate  government  policies, 
crush  great  principles  and  shape  the  business  of  the 
country  according  to  the  ends  and  advantages  of  those 
in  authority  in  this  central  bank. 

Such  a  bank,  if  these  men  had  their  way,  would  be 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  139 

endowed  with  money-issuing  powers  "without  the  pre- 
requisite of  bond  deposits." 

There  are  many  things  nowadays  which  threaten  the 
welfare  of  the  people,  but  of  all  of  the  propositions  so 
far  made  none  promise  greater  detriment  than  the  sug- 
gestion that  there  be  established  in  this  country  a  Nick 
Biddle  institution. 

And  yet  it  may  be  that  out  of  the  threatened  disaster 
great  good  will  come.  The  creation  of  another  Nick 
Biddle  may  thus  provide  a  call  for  another  Andrew 
Jackson ;  and  at  no  time  in  its  history  has  this  country 
been  so  sadly  in  need  of  a  man  of  Jackson's  mould  as 
it  is  today.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.} 


ELECTION  OF  UNITED  STATES  SENATORS 

I  return  more  strongly  convinced  than  before  of 
the  importance  of  a  change  in  the  methods  of  electing 
United  States  senators.  There  is  noticeable  everywhere 
a  distinct  movement  toward  democracy  in  its  broadest 
sense.  In  all  the  countries  which  I  have  visited  there  is 
a  demand  that  the  government  be  brought  nearer  to 
the  people ;  in  China  a  constitution  is  under  considera- 
tion; in  Japan  the  people  are  demanding  that  the 
ministry  instead  of  being  chosen  by  the  emperor  from 
among  his  particular  friends  shall  be  selected  from  par- 
liament and  be  in  harmony  with  the  dominant  senti- 
ment; in  India  there  is  agitation  in  favor  of  a  native 
congress ;  in  Russia  the  czar  has  been  compelled  to  rec- 


140  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

ognize  the  popular  voice  in  the  establishment  of  a 
douma,  and  throughout  Europe  the  movement  mani- 
fests itself  in  various  forms.  In  the  United  States  this 
trend  toward  democracy  has  taken  the  form  of  a  grow- 
ing demand  for  the  election  of  United  States  senators  by 
a  direct  vote  of  the  people.  It  would  be  difficult  to  over- 
estimate the  strategic  advantages  of  this  reform,  for 
since  every  bill  must  receive  the  sanction  of  the  senate 
as  well  as  the  house  of  representatives  before  it  can  be- 
come a  law,  no  important  remedial  legislation  of  a  na- 
tional character  is  possible  until  the  senate  is  brought 
into  harmony  with  the  people. 

I  am  within  the  limits  of  the  truth  when  I  say  that 
the  senate  has  been  for  years  the  bulwark  of  predatory 
wealth  and  that  it  even  now  contains  so  many  members 
who  owe  their  election  to  favor-seeking  corporations  and 
are  so  subservient  to  their  masters  as  to  prevent  needed 
legislation.  The  popular  branch  of  congress  has  four 
times  declared  in  favor  of  this  reform  by  a  two-thirds 
vote  and  more  than  two-thirds  of  the  states  have  de- 
manded it,  and  yet  the  senate  arrogantly  and  impu- 
dently blocks  the  way.  [From  Madison  Square  Gar- 
den, New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


ANARCHY 

Ever  since  that  terrible  act  which  took  from  us  our 
chief  executive  there  has  been  much  discussion  of  an- 
archy, and  many  remedies  have  been  suggested,  but 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  141 

they  have  all  been  in  the  line  of  suppression.  I  want 
to  suppress  the  manifestations  of  anarchy,  but  I  am  not 
willing  to  stop  with  suppression.  I  do  not  want  us  to 
make  the  mistake  that  they  have  made  in  the  old  coun- 
tries. In  those  countries  in  which  they  have  simply 
employed  suppressive  measures,  they  have  the  most 
anarchists  today.  We  must  go  further,  and  remove 
the  spirit  of  anarchy.  There  is  no  place  in  the  United 
States  for  the  spirit  of  anarchy.  But  how  is  this  spirit 
to  be  removed?  Not  by  suppression  only — for  this  is 
but  temporary.  If  we  are  to  have  a  permanent  remedy, 
we  must  find  it  in  education.  We  must  teach  the  peo- 
ple that  a  government  is  necessary,  for  it  is.  We  must 
teach  them  that  our  government  is  the  best  government 
on  earth,  for  it  is;  but  that  is  not  enough.  It  is  the 
duty  of  everyone  to  exert  himself  to  the  uttermost  to 
make  this  government  so  good  that  every  citizen  will 
be  willing  to  die,  if  need  be,  to  preserve  the  blessings  of 
this  government  to  his  children  and  to  his  children's 
children. 

The  funeral  oration  of  Pericles  is  probably,  with  the 
exception  of  the  oration  of  Demosthenes  on  the  Crown, 
the  most  famous  oration  that  has  come  down  to  us  from 
the  Greeks,  and  the  most  impressive  part  of  this  ora- 
tion presents  as  a  reason  for  Greek  patriotism  the  be- 
neficence of  the  government  of  that  country.  After 
describing  the  greatness  of  his  country,  and  the  excel- 
lence of  his  government,  he  said:  "It  was  for  such  a 
country  then,  that  those  men,  resolved  not  to  have  it 
taken  from  them,  died  fighting,  and  we,  their  survivors, 
may  well  be  willing  to  suffer  in  its  behalf." 


142  THE    HEAL    BRYAN 

The  remedy  for  anarchy  is  to  make  the  government 
deserve  the  love  of  every  citizen.  They  are  doing  most 
to  cure  the  spirit  of  anarchy  who  are  doing  most  to 
make  the  government  perfect  in  all  its  parts;  they  are 
doing  most  to  cultivate  and  spread  the  spirit  of  anarchy 
who  pervert  the  aims  of  the  government,  rob  the  many 
for  the  benefit  of  the  few,  and  then  curse  the  people 
who  do  not  like  to  be  robbed. 

A  government  can  be  a  great  blessing  or  a  great 
curse.  When  a  government  takes  from  the  citizen  the 
power  to  redress  his  own  wrongs,  it  assumes  the  sol- 
emn duty  of  protecting  him  from  every  arm  uplifted 
for  his  injury.  If  a  government  first  disarms  a  •citizen 
and  then  leaves  him  to  be  despoiled  by  those  who  act 
under  the  favoritism  of  the  government,  the  victim  of 
the  wrong,  brooding  over,  his  injuries,  will  be  likely 
to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  anarchist.  [From  a  lecture 
entitled  "A  Conquering  Nation."'] 


PATRIOTISM 

Patriotism  is  a  virtue  which  must  be  displayed  in 
peace  as  well  as  in  war,  and  may  be  denned  as  that 
love  of  country  which  leads  the  citizen  to  give  to  his 
country  that  which  his  country  needs  at  the  time  his 
country  needs  it.  In  time  of  war  the  citizen  may  be 
called  upon  to  die  for  his  country ;  in  time  of  peace  he 
must  live  for  his  country.  In  time  of  war  he  may  be 
called  upon  to  give  his  body  as  a  sacrifice;  in  time  of 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  143 

peace  his  country  demands  his  head  and  his  heart,  his 
intellect  and  his  conscience.  You  have  shown  that 
you  were  willing  tq  lay  down  your  lives  in  order  to  pur- 
chase liberty,  now  you  will  be  called  upon  to  exhibit 
self-restraint  and  moral  courage  in  dealing  with  the 
problems  of  government. 

It  is  written  that  he  that  ruleth  his  own  spirit  is 
greater  than  he  that  taketh  a  city.  It  is  too  much  to 
expect  that  all  things  will  be  done  as  anyone  would  like 
to  have  them  done  or  that  everyone  will  receive  the  re- 
ward of  which  he  and  his  friends  may  think  him  de- 
serving ;  and  in  hours  of  disappointment  it  is  well  to  re- 
member that  a  person  can  show  more  patriotism  by  .suf- 
fering for  a  great  cause  than  by  enjoying  great  rewards. 

Let  me  borrow  a  story  which  has  been  used  to  illus- 
trate the  position  of  the  United  States :  A  man  wended 
his  way  through  the  streets  of  a  great  city.  Unmindful 
of  the  merchandise  exposed  on  every  hand,  he  sought 
out  a  store  where  birds  were  kept  for  sale.  Purchasing 
bird  after  bird  he  opened  the  cages  and  allowed  the 
feathered  songsters  to  fly  away.  When  asked  why  he 
thus  squandered  his  money,  he  replied,  "I  was  once  a 
captive  myself  and  I  find  pleasure  in  setting  even  a 
bird  at  liberty." 

The  United  States  once  went  through  the  struggle 
from  which  you  have  just  emerged ;  the  American  pf  o- 
ple  once  by  the  aid  of  a  friendly  power  won  a  victory 
similar  to  that  which  you  are  now  celebrating  and 
our  people  find  gratification  in  helping  to  open  the 
door  that  barred  your  way  to  the  exercise  of  your  politi- 
cal rights. 


144  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

I  have  come  to  witness  the  lowering  of  our  flag  and 
the  raising  of  the  flag  of  the  Cuban  republic;  but  the 
event  will  bring  no  humiliation  to  the  people  of  my 
country,  for  it  is  better  that  the  stars  and  stripes  should 
be  indelibly  impressed  upon  your  hearts  than  that  they 
should  float  above  your  heads.  [Address  delivered  at 
the  banquet  given  by  the  Cuban  Veterans  to  Governor 
General  Wood  and  his  staff,  May  16,  1902.] 


PEACE 

I  will  not  disguise  the  fact  that  I  consider  this  reso- 
lution a  long  step  in  the  direction  of  peace,  nor  will  I 
disguise  the  fact  that  I  am  here  because  I  want  this 
Interparliamentary  Union  to  take  just  as  long  a  step 
as  possible  in  the  direction  of  universal  peace.  We  meet 
in  a  famous  hall,  and  looking  down  upon  us  from  these 
walls  are  pictures  that  illustrate  not  only  the  glory  that 
is  to  be  won  in  war,  'but  the  horrors  that  follow  war. 
There  is  a  picture  of  one  of  the  great  figures  in  English 
history,  (pointing  to  the  fresco  by  Maclise  of  the  death 
of  Nelson).  Lord  Nelson  is  represented  as  dying,  and 
around  him  are  the  mangled  forms  of  others.  I  under- 
stand that  war  brings  out  certain  virtues.  I  am  aware 
that  it  gives  opportunity  for  the  display  of  great  patriot- 
ism ;  I  am  aware  that  the  example  of  men  who  give  their 
lives  for  their  country  is  inspiring;  but  I  venture  to 
say  there  is  as  much  inspiration  in  a  noble  life  as  there 
is  in  a  heroic  death,  and  I  trust  that  one  of  the  results 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  145 

of  this  Interparliamentary  Union  will  be  to  emphasize 
the  doctrine  that  a  life  devoted  to  the  public,  and  ever 
flowing,  like  a  spring,  with  good,  exerts  an  influence 
upon  the  human  race  and  upon  the  destiny  of  the  world 
as  great  as  any  death  in  war.  And  if  you  will  permit 
me  to  mention  one  whose  career  I  watched  with  inter- 
est and  whose  name  I  revere,  I  will  say  that,  in  my 
humble  judgment,  the  sixty-four  years  of  spotless  public 
service  of  William  Ewart  Gladstone  will,  in  years  to 
come,  be  regarded  as  rich  an  ornament  to  the  history  of 
this  nation  as  the  life  of  any  man  who  poured  out  his 
blood  upon  a  battlefield. 

All  movements  in  the  interest  of  peace  have  back  of 
them  the  idea  of  brotherhood.  If  peace  is  to  come  in 
this  world,  it  will  come  because  people  more  and  more 
clearly  recognize  the  indissoluble  tie  that  binds  each 
human  being  to  every  other.  If  we  are  to  build  perma- 
nent peace  it  must  be  on  the  foundation  of  the  brother- 
hood of  men.  A  poet  has  described  how  in  the  civil 
war  that  divided  our  country  into  two  hostile  camps  a 
generation  ago^in  one  battle  a  soldier  in  one  line 
thrust  his  bayonet  through  a  soldier  in  the  opposing 
line,  and  how,  when  he  stooped  to  draw  it  out,  he  rec- 
ognized in  the  face  of  the  fallen  one  the  face  of  his 
brother.  And  then  the  poet  describes  the  feeling  of 
horror  that  overwhelmed  the  survivor  when  he  realized 
that  he  had  taken  the  life  of  one  who  was  the  child  of 
the  same  parents  and  the  companion  of  his  boyhood. 
It  was  a  pathetic  story,  but  is  it  too  much  to  hope  that 
as  years  go  by  we  will  begin  to  understand  that  the 
whole  human  race  is  but  a  larger  family? 


146  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

It  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  as  years  go  by  human 
sympathy  will  expand  until  this  feeling  of  unity  will 
not  be  confined  to  the  members  of  a  family  or  to  the 
members  of  a  clan  or  of  a  community  or  state  but  shall 
be  world-wide.  It  is  not  too  much  to  hope  that  we,  in 
this  assembly,  possibly  by  this  resolution,  may  hasten 
the  day  when  we  shall  feel  so  appalled  at  the  thought 
of  the  taking  of  any  human  life  that  we  shall  strive 
to  raise  all  questions  to  a  level  where  the  settlement 
will  be  by  reason  and  not  by  force.  [Speech  before  the 
Interparliamentary  Union  at  London,  July  26,  1906.] 

At  the  conclusion  of  Mr.  Bryan's  speech  the  amended 
resolution  was  unanimously  adopted.  It  reads  as  fol- 
lows : 

"If  a  disagreement  should  arise  between  the  con- 
tracting parties  which  is  not  one  to  be  submitted  to  ar- 
bitration, they  shall  not  resort  to  any  act  of  hostility 
before  they,  separately  or  jointly,  invite,  as  the  case 
may  necessitate,  the  formation  of  an  international  com- 
mission of  inquiry  or  the  mediation  of  one  or  more 
friendly  powers.  This  requisition  will  take  place,  if 
necessary,  according  to  Article  VIII.  of  The  Hague 
convention  for  the  peaceful  settlement  of  international 
conflicts." 


THE  PRESIDENCY 

Congressman  Clayton  has  introduced  the  following 
resolution :  "Resolved,  That  the  country  is  to  be  con- 
gratulated upon  the  recent  declaration  of  the  president 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  147 

of  the  United  States  affirming  the  wisdom  of  the  cus- 
tom which  limits  the  president  to  two  terms,  which 
declaration  demonstrates  that  he,  in  com'mon  with 
all  other  patriotic  Americans,  recognizes  that  the  pre- 
cedent established  by  Washington  and  other  presidents 
of  the  United  States  in  retiring  from  the  presidential 
office  after  their  second  term  has  become,  by  universal 
concurrence,  a  part  of  our  republican  system  of  gov- 
ernment, and  that  any  departure  from  this  time- 
honored  custom  would  be  unwise,  unpatriotic  and 
fraught  with  peril  to  our  free  institutions." 

This  resolution  was  introduced  on  December  12, 
1907 ;  three  days  before,  Mr.  Clayton  had  introduced 
a  resolution  expressing  it  as  the  opinion  of  the  house 
that  the  precedent  established  by  Washington  and 
other  presidents  in  retiring  after  a  second  term  had  by 
universal  'concurrence  become  a  part  of  our  republican 
system  of  government,  and  that  "any  departure  from 
this  time-honored  custom  would  be  unwise,  unpatriotic 
and  fraught  with  peril  to  our  free  institutions."  Be- 
tween the  9th  and  the  12th,  the  president  issued  his 
statement  announcing  that  he  would  adhere  to  the 
statement  issued  by  him  the  night  of  the  election  to 
the  effect  that  he  would  not  be  a  candidate  for  another 
term. 

Mr.  Clayton's  second  resolution  ought  to  be  adopted 
by  the  house.  The  change  in  form  makes  it  congratu- 
latory rather  than  a  warning  to  the  president,  but  it 
is  well  that  the  house  should  go  on  record  as  opposing 
any  departure  from  the  precedent  established  in  regard 
to  the  third  term.  While  the  resolution  is  not  neces- 


148  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

sary  in  the  president's  case,  it  may  have  a  salutary 
influence  upon  future  presidents  in  case  any  of  them 
are  urged  by  their  admirers  to  consider  a  third  term. 

It  is  fortunate  that  the  position  of  congress  can  be 
expressed  in  a  resolution  applauding  the  president's 
determination  rather  than  in  a  resolution  that  could  be 
construed  as  a  threat. 

Two  terms  are  enough  for  any  president.  There 
should  be  no  third  term  under  any  circumstances.  In 
fact,  one  termi  is  enough  and  there  are  more  people 
in  this  country  who  favor  a  one-term  presidency  than 
there  are  who  would  favor  a  third-term  presidency. 
The  enormous  power  in  the  hands  of  the  president 
presents  a  temptation  so  great  that  the  president  him- 
self should  be  protected  against  it.  A  man  called 
upon  to  discharge  the  responsible  duties  of  chief  exec- 
utive should  not  be  in  a  position  to  use  the  authority 
which  he  has  for  the  gratification  of  a  personal  ambi- 
tion. It  is  the  summit  of  human  aspiration — so  far 
as  one  aspires  to  political  position — and  when  one 
reaches  this  summit  he  should  free  himself  from  every 
taint  of  selfishness  or  ambition  and  consecrate  his 
official  term  to  a  patriotic  endeavor  to  justify  the  confi- 
dence of  his  countrymen  and  to  win  the  approval  of 
those  who  conferred  upon  him  this  greatest  of  all 
distinctions  which  mortals  can  confer  upon  a  fellow 
being.  [From,  editorial  in  The  Commoner. 


I  am  in  favor  of  an  amendment  to  the  constitution 
making  the  president  ineligible  to  re-election  in  order 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  149 

that  he  may  not  be  tempted  by  ambition  to  use  the 
enormous  patronage  at  his  disposal  to  secure  a  contin- 
uance in  office.  [From  letter  written  August  5,  1894, 
consenting  to  become  a  candidate  for  the  United  States 
senate.'] 


PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION. 

Mr.  Bryan  will  not  ask  for  or  seek  a  nomination; 
and  he  will  not  assume  to  decide  the  question  of  his 
availability.  He  has  been  so  amply  recompensed  by  his 
party  for  what  he  has  done  and  for  what  he  has  en- 
deavored to  do  that  he  cannot  claim  a  nomination  as 
a  reward;  neither  should  his  ambition  be  considered, 
for  he  has  had  honors  enough  from  his  party  to  satis- 
fy any  reasonable  ambition.  The  only  question  that 
ought  to  weigh  with  the  party  is  whether  the  party 
can  be  strengthened  and  aided  more  by  his  nomination 
than  by  the  nomination  of  someone  else.  If  he  can 
serve  the  party  by  being  its  candidate,  he  will  accept 
the  commission  and  make  the  best  fight  he  can.  If, 
however,  the  choice  falls  upon  another,  he  will  not  'be 
disappointed  or  disgruntled.  His  availability  is  a  ques- 
tion to  be  decided  not  by  him,  not  by  a  few  leaders, 
not  even  by  the  leading  newspapers  that  call  themselves 
democratic,  but  by  the  voters  of  the  party,  and  to  them 
he  intrusts  the  decision  of  the  question — they  are  the 
supreme  court  in  all  matters  concerning  candidates, 
as  they  are  in  all  matters  concerning  the  platform. 

He  assumes  that  they  will  not  select  him  unless  they 
desire  to  make  an  aggressive  fight  for  the  application 


150  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

of  democratic  principles  to  present  conditions,  and  he 
also  takes  it  for  granted  that  the  organization  of  the 
party  will  be  in  harmony  with  the  platform  and  will 
be  composed  of  men  whose  political  records  will  invite 
confidence  and  give  assurance  that  a  victory,  if  won, 
will  not  be  a  barren  victory. 

No  man  can  ask  for  a  nomination  as  a  compliment 
if  his  nomination  will  not  benefit  the  party,  and  no 
democrat  would  be  justified  in  refusing  a  nomination 
if  his  party  demanded  his  sendees,  and  if  the  members 
of  the  party  believe  that  Mr.  Bryan's  nomination  will 
help  the  party,  its  principles  and  its  policies,  he  will 
accept  the  nomination  whether  the  indications  point  to 
defeat  or  victory.  A  defeat  can  bring  no  disgrace 
where  the  cause  is  a  just  one,  but  cowardice  would  be 
disgraceful,  especially  in  one  who  is  as  deeply  indebted 
to  his  party  as  Mr.  Bryan  is. 

The  next  campaign  will  be  an  appeal  to  the  public 
conscience.  The  investigations  have  shown  not  only 
the  corrupt  use  of  large  campaign  funds,  but  the  only 
source  from  which  they  can  be  drawn,  namely — the 
corporations  that  seek  to  convert  the  government  into 
a  business  asset.  The  democratic  party  stands  for 
the  doctrine  of  equal  rights  to  all  and  special  privileges 
to  none,  and  therefore  cannot  promise  favors  to  favor- 
seeking  corporations.  If  it  made  such  promises  to  the 
corporations,  it  would  be  guilty  of  duplicity,  for  it 
would  have  to  betray  the  voters,  as  the  republican 
party  has  done,  in  order  to  reward  these  corpora- 
tions as  the  republican  party  has  rewarded  them. 
The  democratic  campaign  must  be  carried  on  by 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  151 

volunteers  who  will  .work  because  they  desire  the 
triumph  of  democratic  ideas.  We  cannot  hope  to  ap- 
peal to  the  sordid  or  to  buy  the  purchasable,  even  if 
such  a  course  would  contribute  toward  democratic 
success.  No  one  should  favor  Mr.  Bryan's  nomination 
unless  the  party  is  willing  to  open  its  books  and  show 
where  its  contributions  come  from  and  for  what  the 
money  is  expended.  The  republican  party  ought  to 
be  challenged  to  conduct  its  campaign  in  this  open  and 
honest  way  and  if  the  republican  leaders  refuse  to  accept 
the  challenge,  the  democrats  can  well  afford  to  leave 
the  issue  with  the  public.  An  appeal  to  conscience 
is  politically  expedient,  as  well  as  morally  right,  for 
the  conscience  is  the  most  potent  force  with  which  man 
deals.  The  national  conscience  has  already  been 
aroused,  and  a  large  majority  of  the  voters  have  been 
educated  to  the  necessity  for  real  reform — a  reform 
that  will  make  this  government  again  a  government 
of  the  people,  by  the  people  and  for  the  people.  It 
only  remains  for  the  democratic  party  to  convince  the 
voters  that  it  can  be  entrusted  with  the  work  of  reform, 
and  nothing  will  do  more  to  convince  the  public  than 
a  refusal  to  negotiate  with  predatory  wealth  and  an 
honest  appeal  by  honest  methods  to  the  honest  senti- 
ment of  the  country.  [From  editorial  in  The  Com- 
moner, November  15,  1907,  entitled  "Mr.  Bryan's  po- 
sition"] 

THE  VICE-PRESIDENCY 
It   has   been    intimated   that   Vice-President-Elect 


152  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

Roosevelt  is  desirous  of  receiving  more  consideration 
at  the  hands  of  the  President  than  has,  as  a  rule,  been 
given  to  those  occupying  his  position.  Whether  or  not 
the  report  is  true  is  not  material,  but  the  ambition,  if 
he  does  entertain  it,  is  an  entirely  worthy  one. 

Why  has  the  Vice-President  been  so  generally  ig- 
nored by  the  Chief  Executive  in  the  past?  It  as  said 
that  Mr.  Breckenridge  was  only  consulted  once  by 
President  Buchanan,  and  then  only  in  regard  to  the 
phraseology  of  a  Thanksgiving  Proclamation.  This 
incident  was  related  to  a  later  Vice-President  who  was 
noted  for  his  skill  at  repartee,  and  he  replied,  with  a 
twinkle  in  his  eye :  "Well,  there  is  one  more  Thanks- 
giving Day  before  my  term  expires." 

According  to  the  constitution  the  Vice-President 
succeeds  to  the  office  in  case  the  President  dies,  resigns, 
is  removed,  or  becomes  unable  to  discharge  the  duties  of 
the  office.  The  public  good  requires  that  he  should 
be  thoroughly  informed  as  to  the  details  of  the  admin- 
istration and  ready  to  take  up  the  work  of  the  Executive 
at  a  moment's  notice.  The  Vice-President  ought  to 
be  ex-officio  a  member  of  the  President's  cabinet;  he 
ought  to  sit  next  to  the  President  in  the  council 
chamber.  Receiving  his  nomination  from  a  national 
convention  and  his  commission  from  the  people,  he 
is  able  to  furnish  the  highest  possible  proof  that  he 
enjoys  public  respect  and  confidence,  and  the  Presi- 
dent should  avail  himself  of  the  wisdom  and  dis- 
cretion of  such  an  adviser.  While  the  responsibility 
for  action  rests  upon  the  occupant  of  the  White  House, 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  153 

he  is  entitled  to,  and  of  course  desires,  all  the  light 
possible  before  deciding  on  any  question. 

Congress  can  by  law  impose  upon  the  Vice-President 
the  duty  of  giving  such  assistance  to  his  chief,  or  the 
President  can  of  his  own, volition  establish  the  prece- 
dent, and  it  would,  in  all  probability,  be  observed  by 
his  successors. 

Many  public  men  have  avoided  the  second  place  on 
the  ticket  for  fear  it  would  relegate  them  to  obscurity; 
some  of  Colonel  Roosevelt's  friends  objected  to  his  nom- 
ination on  that  ground.  A  Cabinet  position  has 
generally  been  considered  more  desirable  than  the 
Vice-Presidency,  but  the  latter  in  dignity  and  import- 
ance is,  in  fact,  only  second  to  the  Presidency,  and  the 
occupant  deserves  the  prominence  and  prestige  which 
would  come  from  more  intimate  official  association  with 
the  Executive.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


FOREIGN  RELATIONS 

ENTANGLING    ALLIANCES 

The  reasons,  given  by  Washington,  Jefferson,  and  the 
other  statesmen  of  the  early  days  in  support  of  the 
doctrine  that  we  should  maintain  friendly  relations 
with  all  nations,  but  enter  into  entangling  alliances 
with  none,  are  even  stronger  today  than  they  were  a 
hundred  years  ago.  Our  commerce  is  rapidly  increas- 
ing, and  we  are  brought  into  constan  communication 
with  all  parts  of  the  world.  Even  if  we  desired  to  do 


164  THE   REAL   BRYAN 

so,  we  could  not  afford  to  alienate  many  nations  by 
cultivating  unnecessary  intimacy  with  a  few.  Our 
strength  and  standing  are  such  that  it  is  less  necessary 
than  ever  before  to  lean  for  aid  upon  the  friendliness 
of  a  foreign  power. 

We  cannot  connect  ourselves  with  European  nations 
and  share  in  their  jealousies  and  ambitions  without  los- 
ing the  peculiar  advantage  which  our  location,  our  char- 
acter and  our  institutions  give  us  in  the  world's  affairs. 
[Letter  of  acceptance  of  1900.] 

MONROE  DOCTRINE 

The  doctrine  enunciated  by  Monroe,  and  approved 
by  succeeding  Presidents,  is  essential  to  the  welfare 
of  the  United  States.  The  continents  of  North  and 
South  America  are  dedicated  to  the  development  of 
free  government.  One  Republic  after  another  has 
been  established,  until  today  monarchical  idea  has 
barely  a  foothold  in  the  new  world. 

While  it  is  not  the  policy  of  this  country  to  interfere 
where  amicable  relations  exist  between  European  coun- 
tries and  their  dependencies  in  America,  our  people 
would  look  with  disfavor  upon  any  attempt  on  the 
part  of  European  governments  to  maintain  an  un- 
willing or  forcible  sovereignty  over  the  people  living 
on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic.  [Letter  of  acceptance, 
1900.] 

COLLECTING  DEBTS  WITH  NAVY 

I  venture  to  suggest  that  we  may  not  only  promote 
peace  but  also  advance  our  commtercial  interests  by 
announcing  as  a  national  policy  that  our  navy  will  not 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  155 

be  used  for  the  collection  of  private  debts.  While  pro- 
tecting the  lives  of  our  citizens  everywhere  and  guar- 
anteeing personal  safety  to  all  who  owe  allegiance  to 
our  flag,  we  should,  in  my  judgment,  announce  that 
persons  engaging  in  business  and  holding  property 
in  other  lands  for  business  purposes  must  be  subject  to 
the  laws  of  the  countries  in  which  they  engage  in  bus- 
iness enterprises.  Many  profitable  fields  of  investment 
are  now  closed  because  the  people  of  the  smaller  nations 
are  afraid  that  an  investment  of  foreign  capital  will 
be  made  an  excuse  for  a  foreign  invasion.  Several 
times  on  this  trip  this  fact  has  been  brought  to  my  at- 
tention and  I  am  convinced  that  for  every  dollar  we 
could  secure  to  American  investors  by  an  attempt  to 
put  the  government  back  of  their  private  claims  we 
would  lose  many  dollars  by  closing  the  door  to  in- 
vestment. Mark  the  distinction  between  the  protection 
of  the  lives  of  our  citizens  and  the  use  of  the  navy  to 
guarantee  a  profit  on  investments.  We  do  not  imprison 
for  debt  in  the  United  States,  neither  do  we  put  men  to 
death  because  of  their  failure  to  pay  what  they  owe, 
and  our  moral  prestige  as  well  as  our  commercial  inter- 
ests will  be  conserved  by  assuring  all  nations  that 
American  investments  depend  for  protection  upon  the 
laws  of  the  country  to  which  the  investors  go.  [From 
Madison  Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30, 
1906.} 


IN  THE  PHILIPPINES 
I  have  not  felt  that  in  these  islands  I  should  enter  on 


156  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

any  disputed  questions.  Some  things  I  can  say  with 
propriety.  While  you  appreciate  the  mjanner  in  which 
I  have  attempted  to  show  my  friendship  for  the  Fil- 
ipinos, do  not  make  the  mistake  of  believing  that  those 
who  differ  from  me  are  not  interested  in  this  people. 
In  my  country  there  are  two  great  political  parties, 
republicans  and  democrats.  They  enter  into  contests 
which  are  strenuous,  but  in  fundamental  principles 
both  are  the  same.  Thomas  Jefferson  founded  the 
democratic  party.  Abraham  Lincoln  was  the  first 
great  republican.  Lincoln  has  left  records  to  show  the 
admiration  he  felt  for  the  principles  and  utterances  of 
Thomas  Jefferson. 

In  two  contests  I  was  defeated  by  the  republicans 
but  I  believe  as  much  in  the  patriotism  of  those  who 
voted  against  me  as  I  do  in  the  patriotism  of  those  who 
fought  for  me.  Those  who  agreed  with  me  announced 
a  policy  for  the  Philippines.  Those  who  opposed  me 
did  not.  But  do  not  make  the  mistake  of  believing 
that  those  others  are  enemies  to  the  islands.  I  believe 
the  majority  of  all  American  people  without  regard  to 
politics  or  party  are  sincere  well-wishers  of  the  Fil- 
ipinos. Yes,  all. 

However  you  may  differ  about  policies,  all  your 
people  speak  well  of  what  our  country  stands  for  in 
regard  to  education.  The  fact  that  our  people  are  en- 
couraging education  among  you  ought  to  be  accepted 
as  proof  that  they  intend  to  act  justly  toward  you.  If 
they  intended  to  do  injustice  they  would  not  educate 
you,  for  the  more  educated  you  are  the  more  quickly 
you  will  detect  and  denounce  injustice.  Let  me  remind 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  157 

you  that  these  little  children  who  are  attending  school 
speak  more  eloquently  in  your  behalf  than  I  am  able 
to  do.  The  more  educated  people  you  have  amiong 
you  the  easier  will  be  the  task  for  those  who  speak  for 
you  in  the  United  States.  The  more  respect  your  peo- 
ple show  for  the  law  the  easier  will  be  the  task  for  those 
who  speak  for  you.  The  higher  the  ideals  shown  in 
your  language  and  your  lives  the  easier  the  task  of 
those  who  speak  for  you.  I  want  you  to  have  as  much 
confidence  in  the  republicans  in  power  as  I  have, 
though  I  have  been  twice  defeated  by  them.  And 
when  I  say  this  I  am  not  trying  to  pay  them  for  any- 
thing. I  do  not  owe  them  anything.  When  I  say 
trust  them,  I  say  it  because  I  believe  the  American 
people  want  to  do  right,  and,  given  the  time,  will  find 
out  what  is  right  on  every  question. 

Differences  of  opinion  must  be  expected.  In  fact, 
that  people  differ  in  opinion  is  to  their  credit  rather 
than  to  their  discredit.  Those  who  agree  in  everything 
do  not  as  a  rule  think  on  anything.  Differences  of 
opinion  must  not  only  be  expected  but  must  be  re- 
spected. Do  not  expect  our  people  to  administer 
authority  here  without  mistakes.  They  make  mistakes 
at  home,  and  if  we  democrats  come  into  power,  good  as 
we  are,  we  will  make  mistakes.  The  Spanish  made 
mistakes  here,  and  so  would  the  Filipinos.  I  suggest 
that  if  you  want  to  help  us  in  the  United  States  who 
are  interested  dn  you,  you  can  do  it  by  supporting  with 
all  the  enthusiasm  you  have  the  efforts  made  by  Amer- 
ica here.  Let  us  hope  that  whoever  is  in  authority 


158  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

here  and  there,  they  will  have  the  wisdom  to  so  promote 
the  welfare  of  all  as  to  unite  both  peoples  in  an  eternal 
affection.  [Address  to  Filipinos  at  Malolos,  December 
28,  1905.] 


SWOLLEN  FORTUNES 

The  phrase  "swollen  fortunes"  is  a  happy  one  for 
"swollen"  means  something  unnatural  or  abnormal, 
and  suggests  disease.  No  objection  is  raised  to  natural 
fortunes;  normal  wealth  is  healthy  and  wholesome. 
There  is  every  reason  to  encourage  the  amassing  of 
mioney  by  legitimate  means;  those  who  grow  rich  in 
honest  ways  are  to  be  commended  rather  than  censured, 
but  it  is  high  time  that  it  should  be  known  that  there 
are  unearned  fortunes,  for  until  the  fact  of  their  exist- 
ence is  known  no  inquiry  will  be  made  into  the  source 
of  such  fortunes;  and  until  the  source  is  known  no 
remedy  can  be  applied. 

In  order  to  distinguish  the  swollen  fortunes  from 
the  natural  ones  we  must  adopt  some  rule  or  standard. 
How  may  a  man  honestly  accumulate  a  fortune?  By 
giving  to  society  a  service  commensurate  with  the  re- 
ward which  he  draws  from  society.  It  is  not  possible 
to  define  with  mathematical  accuracy  just  how  much 
a  man's  services  are  worth,  for  there  is  no  tribunal 
which  is  vested  with  power  to  weigh  the  facts  and  de- 
termine the  question.  And  if  the  question  were 
submitted  to  any  human  tribunal  it  is  not  at  all  cer- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  159 

tain  that  the  decision  would  be  in  accord  with  justice, 
for  often  the  greatest  services  are  not  appreciated  at 
the  time.  By  common  consent  it  has  been  left  to 
society  at  large  to  determine  what  a  man  shall  receive 
for  his  work,  and  competition  is  the  word  which  we 
use  to  describe  the  method  by  which  the  value  is  fixed. 
As  long  as  competition  is  left  free  each  person  receives 
from  society  the  price  which  society  fixes  upon  his 
work,  as  compared  with  the  work  of  others. 

This  rule,  that  each  should  draw  from  society  in  pro- 
portion as  he  contributes  to  the  welfare  of  society,  is 
in  harmony  with  the  divine  law  of  rewards,  in  so  far  as 
that  law  can  be  gathered  from  nature.  When  God 
gave  us  the  earth  with  its  fertile  soil,  the  sunshine  with 
its  warmth  and  the  showers  with  their  moisture,  He 
proclaimed  as  clearly  as  if  His  voice  had  thundered 
from  the  clouds,  "Go  work,  and  in  proportion  to  your 
industry  and  your  intelligence,  so  shall  be  your  re- 
ward." 

The  earth  yields  her  treasures  to  those  who  labor,  and 
she  rewards  intelligent  labor  more  liberally  than  igno- 
rant labor.  Two  men,  living  side  by  side,  may  culti- 
vate farms  of  equal  area  and  fertility,  and  yet  one  grows 
rich  while  the  other  grows  poor.  If  they  are  equally 
intelligent  the  more  industrious  one  will  surpass  the 
less  industrious;  if  they  are  equally  industrious  the 
more  intelligent  one  will  forge  ahead.  Industry  and 
intelligence  are  both  necessary ;  either  is  fruitless  with- 
out the  other.  (We  are  not  speaking  now  of  economy 
in  the  expenditure  of  the  income,  or  of  the  use  made  of 
the  money  earned;  we  shall  refer  to  this  later.)  Other 


160  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

things  being  equal,  the  farmer  who  puts  the  most  intel- 
ligence into  his  work  will  secure  the  best  results.  He 
will  examine  the  soil,  so  as  to  plant  the  crops  to  which 
the  soil  is  suited;  he  will  be  careful  to  select  the  best 
seed,  so  as  to  secure  the  maximum  yield ;  he  will  investi- 
gate the  different  kinds  of  cultivation  and  ascertain 
the  best  time  for  planting;  he  will  use  the  implements 
which  will  make  each  hour's  work  accomplish  most. 
That  he  is  entitled  to  the  rewards  that  naturally  follow 
his  work  is  universally  recognized;  and,  we  may  add, 
no  one  has  ever  traced  a  swollen  fortune  to  a  farm. 
From  the  beginning  of  history  no  one  has  actually 
made  out  of  the  soil  by  his  own  unaided  efforts,  a  for- 
tune large  enough  to  be,  in  itself,  a  menace  to  his  coun- 
try. A  man  might  make  money  enough  in  some  other 
way  to  buy  up  the  land  of  a  community  or  of  a  state, 
and,  through  a  system  of  landlordism,  he  might  sap 
the  life  out  of  the  producers  of  wealth,  but  he  could 
not  begin  by  the  cultivation  of  the  lands — as  large  a 
piece  as  he  could  himself  cultivate — and  out  of  the  land 
accumulate  enough  to  make  himself  dangerous  to  his 
fellows.  [  From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


INCOME  TAX 

Congress  should  have  authority  to  levy  and  collect 
an  income  tax  whenever  necessary,  and  an  amendment 
to  the  federal  constitution  specifically  conferring  such 
authority  ought  to  be  supported  by  even  those  who  may 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  161 

think  the  tax  unnecessary  at  this  time.  In  the  hour  of 
danger  the  government  can  draft  the  citizen;  it  ought 
to  be  able  to  draft  the  pocketbook  as  well.  Unless 
money  is  more  precious  than  blood,  we  cannot  afford 
to  give  greater  protection  to  the  incomes  of  the  rich 
than  to  the  lives  of  the  poor.  [Letter  of  acceptance, 
1900.} 


The  income  tax,  which  some  in  our  country  have 
denounced  as  a  socialistic  attack  upon  wealth,  has,  I 
am  pleased  to  report,  the  endorsement  of  the  most 
conservative  countries  in  the  old  world.  It  is  a  per- 
manent part  of  the  fiscal  system  of  most  of  the  coun- 
tries of  Europe  and  in  many  places  it  is  a  graded  tax, 
the  rate  being  highest  upon  the  largest  incomes. 
England  has  long  depended  upon  the  income  tax  for  a 
considerable  part  of  her  revenues  and  the  English 
commission  is  now  investigating  the  proposition  to 
change  from  a  uniform  to  a  graded  tax. 

I  have  been  absent  too  long  to  speak  with  any  au- 
thority on  the  public  sentiment  in  this  country  at 
this  time,  but  I  am  so  convinced  of  the  justice  of  the 
income  tax  that  I  feel  sure  that  the  people  will  sooner 
or  later  demand  an  amendment  to  the  constitution 
which  will  specifically  authorize  an  income  tax  and 
thus  make  it  possible  for  the  burdens  of  the  federal 
government  to  be  apportioned  among  the  people  in 
proportion  to  their  ability  to  bear  them.  It  is  little 
short  of  a  disgrace  to  our  country  that  while  it  is  able 
to  command  the  lives  of  its  citizens  in  time  of  war,  it 


162  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

can  not,  even  in  the  most  extreme  emergency,  compel 
wealth  to  bear  its  share  of  the  expense*  of  the  govern- 
ment which  protects  it.  [From  Madison  Square  Gar- 
den, New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


CAMPAIGN  CONTRIBUTIONS 

Mr.  Roosevelt's  suggestion  that  the  government  ap- 
propriate money  for  the  legitimate  expenses  of  politi- 
cal parties  is  original  and  is  entitled  to  serious  con- 
sideration. The  appropriation  might  be  justified  on 
the  same  ground  that  we  defend  the  printing  of  bal- 
lots in  payment  of  primary  expenses  by  the  govern- 
ment. A  few  years  ago  we  had  to  raise  money  by 
subscription  to  print  our  ballots ;  now  they  are  printed 
at  the  expense  of  the  public. 

In  some  places  the  cost  of  the  primaries  is  still 
borne  by  the  candidates,  while  in  other  places  it  is 
paid  by  the  county,  city  or  state.  The  public  is  in- 
terested in  having  a  campaign  so  conducted  that  the 
issues  shall  be  presented  clearly  and  voters  fully  in- 
formed. There  is  no  doubt  that  the  republican  party 
has  been  able  to  secure  enormous  campaign  funds  by 
selling  legislation  in  advance  to  special  interests.  If 
the  government  should  appropriate  a  reasonable 
amount  for  campaign  expenses  and  then  apportion 
that  appropriation  between  the  parties  according  to  the 
vote  cast  at  the  last  general  election,  it  would  enable 
all  parties  to  present  their  policies  and  thus  insure 
more  intelligent  action  on  the  part  of  voters. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  163 

The  president's  recommendation  ought  to  be  taken 
up  and  discussed  in  all  sections  of  the  country.  It 
ought  to  be,  as  we  have  no  doubt  it  will  be,  ultimately 
enacted  into  law.  If  to  this,  is  added  a  provision  for- 
bidding private  contributions,  the  law  will  go  far 
toward  the  elimination  of  corruption  in  politics,  for 
when  the  government  furnishes  the  necessary  funds  it 
will  require  a  strict  accounting  of  the  money  spent. 

In  an  article  printed  several  months  ago  in  the 
Reader  Magazine  Mr.  Bryan  said: 

"It  is  not  sufficient  to  prevent  contributions  from 
corporations,  for  where  there  is  a  great  temptation  to 
aid  in  campaigns,  the  officers  will  find  ways  of  con- 
tributing that  will  not  bring  the  corporation  within 
the  letter  of  the  law.  It  is  necessary  that  the  contri- 
butions of  individuals  shall  be  made  public  where 
those  contributions  are  to  any  considerable  amount, 
and  it  is  also  necessary  that  the  publication  shall  be 
made  in  advance  of  the  election  in  order  that  the  voter 
may  know  what  influences  are  at  work  in  the  cam- 
paign. One  of  the  Washington  correspondents  has 
reported  the  president  as  considering  a  law  which  will 
provide  all  the  parties  with  necessary  campaign  funds 
to  be  paid  out  of  the  public  treasury.  I  do  not  know 
whether  this  statement  is  authoritative,  but  it  is  a 
suggestion  worthy  of  consideration.  If  each  party  were 
furnished  with  a  moderate  campaign  fund  in  propor- 
tion to  the  votes  which  it  cast  at  the  preceding  elec- 
tion, and  then  all  other  contributions  were  prohibited 
by  law,  corruption  in  politics  might  be  reduced  to  a 
minimum.  And  why  should  not  the  reasonable  and 


164  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

necessary  expenses  of  a  campaign  be  paid  by  the 
public,  if  the  campaign  is  carried  on  in  the  interest 
of  the  public?  At  present,  in  any  controversy  be- 
tween predatory  wealth  and  the  masses  of  the  people, 
the  corporations  which  are  seeking  special  privileges 
and  favors  are  able  to  furnish  enormous  campaign 
funds  to  the  party  subservient  to  them,  and  no  one 
can  doubt  that  these  campaign  funds  are  furnished 
upon  an  understanding,  expressed  or  implied,  that  they 
shall  be  allowed  to  reimburse  themselves  out  of  the 
pockets  of  the  people."  [From  an  editorial  in  The 
Commoner.] 


In  the  discussion  of  laws  respecting  campaign  con- 
tributions, one  point  is  often  overlooked,  namely,  that 
the  publication  of  receipts  and  expenditures  should 
precede,  not  follow,  the  election.  The  efforts  thus  far 
made  to  secure  publicity  have  been  largely  nullified 
by  the  fact  that  the  publication  comes  too  late.  The 
facts  brought  out  after  the  election,  not  being  con- 
nected with  the  next  campaign,  are  of  little  service 
in  that  campaign.  The  fear  of  a  post-election  publi- 
cation will,  of  course,  deter  some  from  corrupt  con- 
tributions, but  a  publication  before  election  would  still 
more  powerfully  deter.  The  public  has  a  right  to 
know  not  only  who  contributes  and  how  much  but 
the  information  ought  to  be  given  before  the  people 
vote.  Nothing  will  so  tend  to  prevent  the  employ- 
ment of  a  large  corruption  fund  as  the  publication 
of  the  fund  before  the  election,  for  the  party  that 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  165 

relies  upon  the  trusts  to  finance  its  campaign  will  find 
that  the  support  of  the  trust  magnates  will  do  the 
party  more  harm  than  the  contributions  will  do  it 
good.  Let  the  facts  be  known  before  the  election. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.'] 


The  investigations  which  have  been  in  progress  dur- 
ing the  past  year  have  disclosed  the  business  methods 
of  those  who  a  few  years  ago  resented  any  inspection 
of  their  schemes  and  hid  their  rascality  under  high- 
sounding  phrases.  These  investigations  have  also  dis- 
closed the  source  of  enormous  campaign  funds  which 
have  been  used  to  debauch  elections  and  corrupt  the 
ballot.  The  people  see  now  what  they  should  have 
seen  before,  namely,  that  no  party  can  exterminate 
the  trusts  so  long  as  it  owes  its  political  success  to 
campaign  contributions  secured  from  the  trusts.  The 
great  corporations  do  not  contribute  their  money  to 
any  party  except  for  immunity  expressly  promised  or 
clearly  implied.  The  president  has  recommended  leg- 
islation on  this  subject,  but  so  far  his  party  has  failed 
to  respond. 

No  important  advance  can  be  made  until  this  cor- 
rupting influence  is  eliminated  and  I  hope  that  the 
democratic  party  will  not  only  challenge  the  repub- 
lican party  to  bring  forward  effective  legislation  on  this 
subject,  but  will  set  an  example  by  refusing  to  receive 
campaign  contributions  from  corporations  and  by 
opening  the  books  so  that  every  contributor  of  any 
considerable  sum  may  be  known  to  the  public  before 


166  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

the  election.  The  great  majority  of  corporations  are 
engaged  in  legitimate  business  and  have  nothing  to 
fear  from  hostile  legislation  and  they  should  not  be 
permitted  to  use  the  money  of  the  stockholders  to 
advance  the  political  opinions  of  the  officers  of  the 
corporations.  Contributions  should  be  individual,  not 
corporate,  and  no  party  can  afford  to  receive  contri- 
butions even  from  individuals  when  the  acceptance 
of  those  contributions  secretly  pledge  the  party  to  a 
course  which  it  can  not  openly  avow.  In  other  words, 
politics  should  be  honest,  and  I  mistake  political  con- 
ditions in  America  if  they  do  not  presage  improve- 
ment in  the  conduct  of  campaigns.  [From  Madison 
Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


GAMBLING— GREAT  AND  SMALL 

GAMBLING  OX  FUTURES 

There  seems  to  be  no  doubt  that  Wall  Street  specu- 
lation is  the  cause  of  the  present  financial  panic,  and 
this  speculation  is  made  possible  by  the  fact  that  a 
large  amount  of  fictitious  and  watered  stock  is  issued. 
The  small  bankers  throughout  the  country  claim  that 
their  institutions  are  perfectly  solvent,  that  their  assets 
are  good  and  that  their  only  embarrassment  is  that 
they  can  not  collect  the  money  which  they  have  de- 
posited in  eastern  banks  in  the  reserve  cities.  In 
suspending  payments  the  bankers  have  done  what 
they  think  is  necessary  for  the  protection  of  them- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  167 

selves  and  their  depositors,  and  it  is  not  fair  to  criticise 
them  unless  one  has  a  better  knowledge  of  the  situa- 
tion than  they  have;  but  somebody  is  to  blame,  and 
from  the  evidence  at  hand  it  would  seem  that  the 
blame  rests,  first — with  the  speculators  of  New  York 
who,  in  their  desire  to  make  money  rapidly,  have  dis- 
regarded the  interests  of  the  rest  of  the  country; 
second — with  the  New  York  banks  and  trust  com- 
panies which  have  loaned  money  for  speculation;  and 
third,  with  the  republican  party  whose  leaders  have 
linked  our  whole  financial  system  to  Wall  Street  so 
that  the  people  throughout  the  country  are  forced  to 
suffer  for  the  sins  of  the  masters  of  high  finance.  It 
requires  an  object  lesson  to  make  people  consider 
remedial  legislation;  abuses  are  never  remedied  until 
there  is  suffering,  and  the  present  panic  ought  to  result 
in  legislation  which  will  give  to  the  public  a  needed 
protection.  Gambling  is  one  of  the  curses  of  the 
present  day — not  merely  the  small  gambling  which  is 
carried  on  in  back  alleys  and  obscure  places,  but  the 
gambling  which  goes  on  in  the  chambers  of  commerce, 
the  boards  of  trade  and  the  stock  exchanges.  Pur- 
chases and  sales  of  commodities  and  stocks  when  the 
sellers  have  nothing  to  sell  and  the  purchasers  have 
no  intention  of  receiving  the  goods — this  may  be  called 
business,  but  it  is  nothing  more  nor  less  than  gam- 
bling, and  in  some  respects  it  is  worse  than  gambling 
at  the  card  table.  First,  it  is  on  a  larger  scale  than  the 
gambling  in  the  houses  known  as  gambling  houses; 
and  second,  the  men  who  gamble  on  the  markets 
sometimes  control  the  markets  and  thus  take  an  unfair 


168  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

advantage  of  those  who  enter  into  the  game  with 
them.  It  is  time  to  stop  gambling  and  one  of  the 
best  ways  to  stop  it  is  to  stop  the  issue  of  watered 
stock  and  fictitious  capitalization,  for  these  are  the 
cards  with  which  the  big  gamblers  play.  A  corpora- 
tion whose  stock  rests  upon  actual  value  does  not 
furnish  much  of  an  opportunity  for  exploitation. 
What  the  gambler  wants  is  a  stock  whose  value  is  un- 
certain, because  then  the  market  price  can  be  juggled 
with.  Just  as  a  farm,  whose  value  is  to  a  certain  ex- 
tent fixed,  does  not  furnish  the  same  opportunity  to 
the  speculator  as  the  mine  whose  value  is  undeter- 
mined, so  the  railroad  stock  that  rests  upon  a  value 
to  be  found  in  the  road  itself  is  not  subject  to  fluctua- 
tion like  the  stock  of  a  road  whose  dividends  depend 
upon  the  ability  of  the  manager  to  monopolize  busi- 


"We  ought  to  have  legislation  that  will  put  our  rail- 
roads and  other  industrial  enterprises  upon  an  honest 
basis,  and  then  we  ought  to  have  legislation  forbid- 
ding the  use  of  national  bank  deposits  to  aid  gambling. 
If  the  New  York  banks  are  to  be  allowed  to  receive 
deposits  from  country  banks,  such  New  York  banks 
ought  in  all  fairness  be  forbidden  to  use  country  de- 
posits to  support  speculative  enterprises.  All  specula- 
tion is  risky — if  there  were  no  risk  in  the  matter, 
there  would  be  no  speculation  about  it,  and  the  small 
banks  of  the  country  have  a  right  to  insist  that  their 
solvency  shall  not  be  jeopardized  by  the  use  of  their 
deposits  for  gambling  purposes.  And  if  the  bankers 
themselves  do  not  insist  upon  this,  their  depositors 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  169 

ought  to  insist  upon  it,  for  while  the  local  banker  may 
be  excused  for  refusing  to  honor  checks  in  the  present 
stringency,  his  depositors  can  not  be  blamed  if  they 
denounce  a  system  whereby  the  local  bankers  are 
driven  into  the  net  spread  by  New  York  financiers. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 

THE  GAMBLING  VICE 

Of  all  the  vices  that  afflict  the  race  it  is  doubtful  if 
any  vice  is  more  demoralizing  than  the  vice  of  gam- 
bling for  it  impoverishes  the  mind  and  the  morals  as 
well  as  the  purse,  A  press  dispatch  tells  of  a  raid 
recently  made  on  a  New  York  poolroom  in  which  some 
twenty  women  were  found  among  the  patrons.  They 
are  described  as  "well  dressed,"  "most  of  them  mar- 
ried," "one  a  white-haired  grandmother"  and  one 
"the  wife  of  a  millionaire."  It  happens  to  be  women 
this  time,  but  the  papers  are  full  of  such  items  in 
which  men  are  the  principals.  Until  a  few  years  ago 
lotteries  were  chartered  in  some  of  the  states  and  per- 
mitted to  use  the  mails,  and  it  is  but  a  few  months 
since  the  guessing  contest  was  prohibited.  Even  now 
lotteries  are  licensed  in  some  European  nations  and 
in  some  of  the  republics  of  South  and  Central  Amer- 
ica. Missouri  has  just  put  an  end  to  licensed  betting 
on  horse  racing  and  Ohio  did  the  same  thing  a  year 
earlier.  The  stock  exchanges  are  still  permitted  to 
rob  the  unwary  but  recent  investigations  are  awaken- 
ing the  public  conscience  and  these  exchanges  will 
sooner  or  later  be  compelled  to  purge  themselves  of 
their  speculative  features. 


170  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

The  evil  of  gambling,  in  whatever  form  it  may  ap- 
pear, is  that  it  cultivates  a  desire  to  get  something  for 
nothing  and  substitutes  the  law  of  chance  for  God's 
law  of  "reward  earned  by  service."  Some  bad  habits 
affect  only  the  body,  at  least  in  their  beginning,  but 
gambling  immediately  attacks  the  will  and  under- 
mines the  character.  It  is  a  heart  disease  and  par- 
alyzes one's  energy.  The  man  who  becomes  addicted 
to  this  vice  soon  ceases  to  be  a  producer  because  he 
can  not  content  himself  with  the  slow  returns  of 
legitimate  effort;  then  he  neglects  those  dependent 
upon  him  and  wastes  that  which  he  has  already  accu- 
mulated. By  this  time  he  is  ready  to  go  a  step  further 
and  use  trust  funds  and  cheat  those  whom  he  entices 
into  a  game.  Sometimes  the  cheating  is  done  with 
loaded  dice  or  marked  cards;  sometimes  by  shells  and 
slight  of  hand;  sometimes  it  is  done  on  a  larger  scale 
by  grain  corners,  wash-sales  or  by  the  manipulation  of 
stocks.  After  swindling  comes  disgrace  and  often 
suicide.  Nothing  but  a  higher  ideal  will  prevent  one's 
falling  into  the  habit  and  nothing  but  moral  regen- 
eration will  restore  one  who  has  fallen  into  the  habit. 
No  malady  is  so  difficult  to  cure  as  one  that  attacks 
the  will.  Parents  ought  to  warn  their  children  against 
gambling;  ministers  ought  to  warn  their  congrega- 
tions against  it,  and  newspapers  ought  to  point  out  its 
evils  to  their  readers.  Only  when  one  is  willing  to 
give  to  society  a  dollar's  worth  of  sendee  for  a  dollar's 
worth  of  pay  and  is  as  careful  to  give  good  measure 
as  he  is  to  demand  good  measure  is  he  on  solid  ground. 
An  honest  purpose  begets  honest  methods  and  the  two 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  171 

give  peace  of  mind  and  the  best  assurance  of  success 
in  every  walk  of  life.     [Commoner  editorial  in  1905.} 

STOCK    EXCHANGE    GAMBLING 

It  is  not  necessary  to  add  that  grain  gambling  and 
stock  gambling  lead  to  embezzlements  and  business 
failures  whereby  many  lose;  it  is  not  necessary  to 
enumerate  other  demoralizing  effects  of  market  spec- 
ulation. It  is  not  necessary  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  in  most  cases  ruin  finally  comes  upon  the 
speculator  as  well  as  upon  those  whom  he  dupes  and 
deceives.  It  is  sufficient  to  say  that  the  men  who  en- 
gage in  such  speculation  not  only  make  no  contribu- 
tion to  the  welfare  of  society  but  constantly  sacrifice 
the  interests  of  innocent  people  to  their  own  greed. 
Those  who  seek  by  legislation  to  put  the  board  of 
trade  and  the  stock  exchange  upon  an  honest  basis  and 
to  make  them  contribute  to  the  security  of  business 
and  to  the  welfare  of  the  country,  are  the  friends  of 
property,  not  the  enemies  of  property.  Such  legisla- 
tion would  be  beneficial  to  the  farmers  who  produce, 
to  the  consumers  for  whom  the  farmer  produces  and 
to  the  middlemen,  and  hurtful  only  to  those  whom 
selfishness  has  made  blind  to  the  rights  of  others  as 
well  as  their  own  highest  good.  [From  an  article 
published  in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  in  1905.] 


CHINESE  EXCLUSION 

If  every  American  could  visit  China,  the  question 
of  Chinese  immigration  would  soon  be  settled  upon  a 


172  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

permanent  basis,  for  no  one  can  become  acquainted 
with  the  Chinese  coolie  without  recognizing  the  im- 
possibility of  opening  the  doors  of  our  country  to  him 
without  injustice  to  our  own  laboring  men,  demoraliza- 
tion to  our  social  ideas,  injury  to  China's  reputation 
among  us  and  danger  to  our  diplomatic  relations  with 
that  country. 

It  would  require  generations  to  bring  our  people 
down  to  a  plane  upon  which  they  could  compete  with 
the  Chinese,  and  this  would  involve  a  large  impair- 
ment in  the  efficiency  of  their  work. 

It  is  not  just  to  the  laboring  men  of  the  United 
States  that  they  should  be  compelled  to  labor  upon 
the  basis  of  Chinese  coolie  labor  or  stand  idle  and 
allow  their  places  to  be  filled  by  an  alien  race  with  no 
thought  of  permanent  identification  with  our  country. 
The  American  laborer  not  only  produces  the  wealth 
of  our  nation  in  time  of  peace,  but  he  is  its  sure  de- 
fender in  time  of  war.  Who  will  say  that  his  welfare 
and  the  welfare  of  his  family  shall  be  subordinated  to 
the  interests  of  those  who  abide  with  us  but  for  a 
time,  who,  while  with  us,  are  exempt  from  draft  or 
military  burden,  and  who,  on  their  return,  drain  our 
country  of  its  currency?  A  foreign  landlord  system 
is  Almost  universally  recognized  as  a  curse  to  a  na- 
tion, because  the  rent  money  is  sent  out  of  the  coun- 
try; Chinese  immigration  on  a  large  scale  would  give 
us  the  evil  effects  of  foreign  landlordism  in  addition 
to  its  other  objectionable  features. 

A  sentimental  argument  is  sometimes  advanced  to 
the  effect  that  we  have  no  moral  right  to  exclude  any 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  173 

who  seek  to  come  among  us.  Whether  this  argument 
has  any  force  depends,  first,  on  the  purpose  of  the 
immigrant,  and  second,  upon  our  power  to  assimilate. 
If  his  coming  is  purely  commercial  and  he  has  no 
ambition  to  improve  us  by  his  coming  or  to  profit 
morally  and  intellectually  by  contact  with  us,  he  can- 
not demand  admission  upon  moral  or  sentimental 
ground.  And  even  if  his  paramount  reason  for  com- 
ing were  a  desire  to  learn  of  us,  it  would  still  be  neces- 
sary to  consider  how  far  we  could  go  in  helping  him 
without  injury  to  ourselves.  While  visiting  the  sick 
is  most  meritorious,  one  who  gave  all  his  time  to  such 
work,  leaving  no  time  for  sleep,  would  soon  be  a  physi- 
cal wreck;  feeding  the  hungry  is  most  commendable, 
but  one  who  gave  away  all  of  his  substance,  reserving 
nothing  for  his  own  nourishment,  could  not  long  serve 
his  fellows.  In  like  manner,  our  own  power  to  help 
the  world  by  the  absorption  of  surplus  population  has 
certain  natural  and  necessary  limitations.  We  have  a 
mission  to  fulfill  and  we  cannot  excuse  ourselves  if  we 
cripple  our  energies  in  a  mistaken  effort  to  carry  a 
burden  heavier  than  Our  strength  can  support. 

It  is  better  to  be  frank  and  candid  with  the  Chinese 
government.  There  are  twenty  times  as  many  Chi- 
nese in  America  as  there  are  Americans  in  China, 
and  we  give  to  China  as  much  in  trade  advantage  as 
we  receive  from  her,  not  to  speak  of  the  money  which 
Americans  voluntarily  contribute  to  extend  education 
and  religion  in  the  Celestial  empire.  China  has  no 
reason  to  complain,  for  we  have  been  generous  in 
dealing  with  her.  We  can  still  be  not  only  just,  but 


174  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

generous,  but  it  would  be  neither  kindness  to  her  nor 
fairness  to  our  own  people  to  invite  an  immigration 
of  such  a  character  as  to  menace  our  own  producers  of 
wealth,  endanger  our  social  system  and  disturb  the 
cordial  friendship  and  good  will  between  America  and 
China.  [From  letter  on  China.] 


The  Chinese  exclusion  act  has  proven  an  advantage 
to  the  country,  and  its  continuance  and  strict  enforce- 
ment, as  well  as  its  extension  to  other  similar  races, 
are  imperatively  necessary.  The  Asiatic  is  so  essen- 
tially different  from  the  American  that  he  cannot  be 
assimilated  with  our  population,  and  is,  therefore,  not 
desirable  as  a  permanent  citizen.  His  presence  as  a 
temporary  laborer,  preserving  his  national  identity, 
and  maintaining  a  foreign  scale  of  wages  and  living, 
must  ever  prove  an  injustice  to  American  producers, 
as  well  as  a  perpetual  source  of  irritation.  [Letter  of 
acceptance,  1900.'] 


AMERICAN  IN  FOREIGN  MISSIONS 

That  our  missionaries  often  make  mistakes  need  not 
be  denied.  They  are  human,  and  to  err  is  the  lot  of 
all.  A  missionary  among  strangers  must  exercise  more 
sagacity  and  discretion  than  one  who  works  among 
people  of  his  own  race.  The  wonder  is  not  that  mis- 
sionaries make  mistakes,  but  that  they  do  not  make 
more  than  are  now  charged  to  them.  It  is  even  possi- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  175 

ble  that  a  missionary  occasionally  proves  untrue  to  his 
calling — is  it  strange  that  this  should  happen  to  a 
missionary  almost  alone  and  with  but  little  sympathetic 
support,  when  it  sometimes  happens  to  ministers  who 
are  surrounded  by  friends  and  hedged  in  so  that  a  fall 
would  seem  almost  impossible? 

One  part  of  the  missionary's  work  has  received  scant 
notice,  namely — the  planting  of  western  ideas  in  the 
Orient.  The  daily  life  of  a  missionary  is  not  only  a 
constant  sermon,  but  to  a  certain  extent,  an  exposition 
of  western  ways.  His  manner  of  dress  and  his  manner 
of  living  are  noted,  and  even  if  he  did  not  say  a  word, 
he  would  make  an  impression  upon  those  about  him.  It 
would  be  worth  while  to  send  Christians  to  the  Orient 
merely  to  show  the  fullness  and  richness  of  a  Christian 
life,  for,  after  all,  the  example  of  an  upright  person, 
living  a  life  of  service  according  to  the  Christian  ideal, 
is  more  eloquent  than  any  sermon — it  is  the  unanswer- 
able argument  in  favor  of  our  religion. 

It  is  sometimes  suggested  by  those  unfriendly  to  mis- 
sionary work  that  missionaries  live  in  too  great  com- 
fort. This  criticism  will  not  have  weight  with  those 
who  have  attempted  to  live  in  the  Orient  upon  the  sal- 
ary of  a  missionary,  but  even  if  the  missionaries  lived 
more  luxuriously  than  they  do,  that  would  still  exert 
a  beneficial  influence.  As  the  Chinaman  becomes  edu- 
cated he  learns  of  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  peo- 
ple of  other  nations,  and  the  home  of  the  missionary 
gives  an  opportunity  for  comparisons.  In  China  there 
is  polygamy,  while  the  missionary  has  but  one  wife. 
In  the  Chinese  home  the  birth  of  a  son  is  the  occasion 


176  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

for  rejoicing;  the  birth  of  a  daughter  an  occasion  for 
less  rejoicing,  if  not  actual  mourning.  In  the  mission- 
ary's home  the  girl  is  as  welcome  as  the  boy.  The  mis- 
sionary's wife  is  not  only  a  standing  rebuke  to  the 
practice  of  foot-binding,  but  is  a  stimulus  to  the  move- 
ment now  setting  in  for  the  education  of  women. 

The  Catholic  missionaries  reach  a  class  which  might 
not  be  reached  by  Protestant  missionaries,  and  Protest- 
ant missionaries  appeal  to  some  who  could  not  be 
reached  by  the  Catholic  missionaries.  Each  church 
does  its  own  work  in  its  own  way,  and  the  result  is  bet- 
ter than  if  either  church  attempted  to  follow  the  exam- 
ple of  the  other.  The  celibacy  of  the  priest  and  his 
voluntary  sacrifice  of  home  and  its  joys  that  he  may 
more  fully  devote  himself  to  religion — these  appeal  to 
some,  especially  to  those  who  have  been  impressed  with 
the  asceticism  of  the  religious  teachers  of  the  Orient. 
There  are  others,  however,  who  are  more  impressed  with 
a  form  of  Christianity  which  does  not  deny  to  its  minis- 
ters the  advantages  of  the  family.  In  other  words, 
the  different  branches  of  the  Christian  church,  each 
pursuing  its  own  way,  meet  the  widely  different  needs 
of  the  heathen  better  than  any  one  church  could  do  it. 

Why  spend  money  on  foreign  missions?  If  the  ori- 
ental is  happy  in  his  idolatry  or  in  his  worship  of  God 
through  other  religious  forms,  why  disturb  him?  These 
questions  may  be  answered  in  various  ways,  but  one 
answer  will  suffice  for  the  purpose  of  this  article.  The 
Christian  ideal  of  life  is  the  highest  ideal.  There  is  no 
more  beautiful  conception  of  life  than  that  it  is  an  over- 
flowing spring.  There  is  no  true  measure  of  greatness 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  177 

except  the  Christian  measure,  namely — service.  If 
this  ideal  is  good  enough  for  America,  it  is  good 
enough  for  all  the  world.  If  truth  must,  according 
to  eternal  laws,  triumph,  then  this  ideal  must  triumph 
over  all  lower  ones,  and  how  can  it  triumph  over  lower 
ideals  unless  it  is  brought  into  contact  with  them?  If 
we  see  a  man  engaged  in  some  useful  work,  but  laboring 
with  antiquated  tools,  it  is  a  kindness  to  him  to  offer 
him  an  implement  that  will  increase  his  effectiveness. 
If  we  see  a  man  following  a  low  ideal  and  making  but 
little  of  life,  is  it  not  a  kindness  to  offer  him  a  higher 
one  which  will  not  only  enlarge  his  usefulness  but  his 
happiness  as  well?  If  the  Christian  ideal  is  worthy  to 
be  followed  in  America,  it  is  worthy  to  be  presented  in 
every  land,  and  experience  has  shown  that  it  is  an  ideal 
capable  of  being  made  universal,  for  it  has  commended 
itself  to  people  of  every  clime  and  of  every  tongue. 

But  it  is  said  that  we  must  not  neglect  home  missions 
in  our  zeal  to  carry  the  gospel  and  its  attendant  bless- 
ings to  foreign  shores.  This  is  a  familiar  objection,  but 
as  a  rule  it  is  urged  by  those  who  do  the  least  for  home 
missions.  I  think  I  am  far  within  the  truth  when  I 
say  that  the  most  liberal  contributors  to  foreign  mis- 
sions are  also  the  most  liberal  contributors  to  home 
missions  and  that  those  who  are  so  afraid  that  work  at 
home  will  be  sacrificed  for  work  abroad  are  the  very 
ones  who  themselves  make  few  sacrifices  for  the  work 
at  home.  The  same  spirit  which  leads  one  to  be  gener- 
ous in  the  support  of  those  benevolences  which  are  im- 
mediately about  him  leads  him  to  take  an  interest  in 
the  needy  wherever  they  are  found.  The  same  spirit 


178  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

which  makes  one  anxious  to  have  the  Sermon  on  the 
Mount  known  in  his  neighborhood  leads  him  to  de- 
sire that  the  knowledge  of  this  sermon  and  the  philoso- 
phy which  it  contains  shall  be  brought  to  the  people  of 
all  the  world. 

There  is  another  answer  to  those  who  say  that  we 
must  confine  our  efforts  to  the  home  field  until  we  have 
supplied  every  moral  need.  If  any  individual  refuses  to 
assist  in  the  improvement  of  others  until  he  has  himself 
reached  perfection,  who  will  be  able  to  aid  others?  In 
the  effort  to  help  others  one  often  finds  more  improve- 
ment than  could  come  from  concentration  of  his  ef- 
forts on  himself.  So  the  country  which  refuses  to 
extend  a  helping  hand  to  other  lands  until  all  its  peo- 
ple have  passed  'beyond  the  need  of  improvement  will 
do  nothing  for  the  world.  As  the  contributions  to  be- 
nevolences would  be  small  indeed,  if  only  those  con- 
tributed who  could  do  so  without  sacrifice,  so  the  con- 
tributions to  the  world's  advancement  would  be  but 
slight  if  only  those  helped  others  who  were  not  them- 
selves in  need  of  help. 

"Let  him  who  would  be  the  chiefest  among  you  be 
the  servant  of  all:"  if  this  is  the  measure  of  national 
greatness,  then  our  nation  is  the  greatest  of  all,  for  its 
contributions  to  the  world  surpass  the  contributions 
made  by  any  other  nation.  These  contributions  are 
made  in  three  ways :  First,  it  contributes  through  the 
men  and  women  who  have  come  from  other  lands  to 
study  here,  and  who  carry  American  ideas  back  to  their 
homes ;  second,  through  the  men  and  women  who  have 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  179 

gone  to  other  lands  as  preachers  and  teachers;  and 
third,  through  books  and  printed  reports. 

Making  due  allowance  for  the  frailty  of  human  na- 
ture and  for  the  mistakes  which  all  are  liable  to  make, 
it  may  be  said  without  fear  of  successful  contradiction 
that  the  missionaries,  physicians  and  teachers,  who  con- 
secrate themselves  to  the  advancement  of  Asia's  mil- 
lions along  Christian  lines  are  as  high  minded,  as 
heroic,  as  self-sacrificing,  and,  considering  the  great 
destiny  of  the  race,  as  useful  as  any  equal  number  of 
men  and  women  to  be  found  in  any  other  part  of  the 
world.  [From  letter  on  American  Foreign  Missions.] 


THE  REAL  DEFENDERS  OF  PROPERTY 

Whenever  any  vested  wrong  is  to  be  righted  or  any 
long-standing  abuse  corrected,  those  who  profit  by  the 
wrong  or  the  abuse  are  prompt  to  pose  as  the  defenders 
of  property  and  to  charge  the  reformers  with  attack- 
ing property  rights.  This  is  the  historic  attitude  of 
those  who  oppose  remedial  legislation.  The  insincerity 
of  the  position  taken  is  usually  shown  by  the  arguments 
employed  by  these  self-styled  champions  of  property, 
and  one  of  the  best  illustrations  of  these  arguments  is 
to  be  found  in  the  story  of  Demetrius,  the  silversmith. 
It  reads  as  follows: 

"And  the  same  time  there  arose  no  small  stir  about 
that  way.  For  a  certain  man  named  Demetrius,  a  sil- 
versmith, which  made  silver  shrines  for  Diana,  brought 


180  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

no  small  gain  unto  the  craftsmen;  whom  he  called  to- 
gether with  the  workmen  of  like  occupation,  and  said, 
'Sirs,  ye  know  that  by  this  craft  we  have  our  wealth. 
Moreover,  ye  see  and  hear,  that  not  alone  at  Ephesus 
but  almost  throughout  all  Asia,  this  Paul  hath  per- 
suaded and  turned  away  much  people,  saying  that  they 
be  no  gods,  which  are  made  with  hands.  So  that  not 
only  this  our  craft  is  in  danger  to  be  set  at  naught; 
but  also  that  the  temple  of  the  great  goddess  Diana 
should  be  despised  and  her  magnificence  should  be 
destroyed,  whom  all  Asia  and  the  world  worshippeth.' 
And  when  they  heard  these  sayings,  they  were  full  of 
wrath  saying/Great  is  Diana  of  the  Ephesians.'  " 

The  silversmith  was  profiting  by  the  worship  of  idols ; 
the  making  of  images  was  the  source  of  his  income. 
He  called  together  those  who  were  engaged  in  the  same 
occupation  and  when  all  were  convinced  that  Paul's 
preaching  would  bring  them  financial  injury  they 
joined  in  a  protest,  but  they  did  not  give  their  real 
reason  for  opposing  Christianity — namely,  that  it  would 
cause  them  a  money  loss,  but  they  pretended  a  fervent 
devotion  to  the  goddess  Diana.  So,  today,  the  benefi- 
ciaries of  bad  laws  and  bad  governmental  systems  are 
defending  their  pecuniary  interests  with  arguments 
that  imply  great  devotion  to  the  public  welfare.  Hav- 
ing satisfied  themselves  that  the  reforms  demanded  by 
the  people  will  lessen  their  power  to  extort  from,  and 
to  tyrannize  over,  the  people,  these  monopolists  and 
their  defenders  shout  "Great  is  property!  Great  are 
the  rights  of  property!"  While  the  issue  between  the 
man  and  the  dollar  seems  to  be  an  acute  one,  yet  in  the 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  181 

last  analysis  there  can  be  no  issue  between  human 
rights  and  property  rights,  for  nothing  more  surely  un- 
dermines property  rights  than  a  disregard  for  human 
rights,  and  nothing  brings  greater  security  to  property 
than  a  scrupulous  regard  for  the  natural  rights  of  each 
human  being.  But  we  must  always  remember  that 
human  rights  are  paramount.  In  fact,  everything  de- 
pends upon  the  establishment  of  the  true  relation  be- 
tween the  individual  and  dull,  inanimate  property. 

The  house  and  its  foundation  are  indissolubly  con- 
nected, and  we  can  not  think  of  one  without  the  other. 
So  human  rights  and  property  rights  are  indissolubly 
connected.  We  cannot  think  of  the  one  without  the 
other  and  as,  in  the  building  of  a  house,  we  must  think 
of  the  foundation  first  and  of  the  house  as  a  super- 
structure, so  in  thinking  of  society  we  must  necessarily 
think  of  human  rights  first  and  of  property  rights  as 
resting  upon  human  rights.  He  who  talks  of  property 
rights  as  if  they  could  exist  without  a  regard  for  human 
rights,  speaks  as  foolishly  as  one  who  would  attempt 
to  build  a  house  without  considering  the  foundation 
upon  which  it  is  to  stand.  [From  an  article  published 
in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  in  1905.] 


AMERICA'S    MISSION 

Much  has  been  said  of  late  about  Anglo-Saxon  civili- 
zation. Far  be  it  from  me  to  detract  from  the  service 
rendered  to  the  world  by  the  sturdy  race  whose  Ian- 


182  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

guage  we  speak.  The  union  of  the  Angle  and  the 
Saxon  formed  a  new  and  valuable  type,  but  the  process 
of  race  evolution  was  not  completed  when  the  Angle 
and  the  Saxon  met.  A  still  later  type  has  appeared 
which  is  superior  to  any  which  has  existed  heretofore ; 
and  with  this  new  type  will  come  a  higher  civilization 
than  any  which  has  preceded  it.  Great  has  been  the 
Greek,  the  Latin,  the  Slav,  the  Celt,  the  Teuton  and 
the  Anglo-Saxon,  but  greater  than  any  of  these  is  the 
American,  in  whom  ure  blended  the  virtues  of  them  all. 

Civil  and  religious  liberty,  universal  education  and 
the  right  to  participate,  directly  or  through  represent- 
atives chosen  by  himself  in  all  the  affairs  of  govern- 
ment— these  give  to  the  American  citizen  an  oppor- 
tunity and  an  inspiration  which  can  be  found  nowhere 
else. 

Standing  upon  the  vantage  ground  already  gained, 
the  American  people  can  aspire  to  a  grander  destiny 
than  has  opened  before  any  other  race. 

Anglo-Sxon  civilization  has  taught  the  individual  to 
protect  his  own  rights ;  American  civilization  will  teach 
him  to  respect  the  rights  of  others. 

Anglo-Saxon,  civilization  has  taught  the  individual 
to  take  care  of  himself ;  American  civilization,  proclaim- 
ing the  equality  of  all  before  the  law,  will  teach  him 
that  his  own  highest  good  requires  the  observance  of 
the  commandment:  "Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbor 
as  thyself." 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization  has,  by  force  of  arms,  ap- 
plied the  art  of  government  to  other  races  for  the  bene- 
fit of  Anglo-Saxons;  American  civilization  will,  by  the 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  183 

influence  of  example,  excite  in  other  races  a  desire  for 
self-government  and  a  determination  to  secure  it. 

Anglo-Saxon  civilization  has  carried  its  flag  to  every 
clime  and  defended  it  with  forts  and  garrisons ;  Ameri- 
can civilization  will  imprint  its  flag  upon  the  hearts  of 
all  who  long  for  freedom. 

To  American  civilization,  all  hail! 

"Time's  noblest  offspring  is  the  last!" 

[Extract  from  speech  delivered  at  Washington  Day 
banquet  given  by  the  Virginia  Democratic  Association 
at  Washington,  D.  C.,  February  22,  1899.] 


CONSCIENCE 

Sometimes  when  we  see  the  war  spirit  rampant,  we 
are  tempted  to  say  with  the  poet, 

"Right  forever  on  the  scaffold, 
Wrong  forever  on  the  throne." 

But  in  such  hours  we  can  draw  inspiration  and  encour- 
agement from  Holy  Writ.  When  Elijah  was  fleeing 
from  the  wrath  of  wicked  Jezebel  and  believed  all  the 
prophets  to  have  been  slain,  the  Lord  commanded  him 
to  stand  upon  the  mountain,  and  as  he  stood  there,  a 
mighty  wind  swept  by  him  and  rent  rocks  asunder,  but 
God  was  not  in  the  wind;  and  after  the  wind  came  an 
earthquake,  but  God  was  not  in  the  earthquake;  and 
after  the  earthquake  a  fire,  but  God  was  not  in  the 


184  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

fire;  and  after  the  fire,  a  still,  small  voice,  and  it 
was  the  voice  of  God.  And  so,  today,  through- 
out the  world  an  increasing  number  standing 
upon  the  heights,  are  coming  to  believe  that  God  is 
not  in  the  ironclads  that  sweep  the  ocean  with  their 
guns,  that  God  is  not  in  the  armies  that  shake  the 
earth  with  their  tread,  or  in  the  fire  of  musketry,  but 
in  the  still,  small  voice  of  justice  that  issues  from  tri- 
bunals like  that  instituted  at  The  Hague.  There  have 
been  times  when  bravery  upon  the  battlefield  was  con- 
sidered the  highest  form  of  virtue.  There  have  been 
times  when  intellectual  supremacy  and  intellectual  in- 
dependence were  considered  all-sufficient,  but  the  time 
is  coming  when  heart  characteristics  will  receive  the 
attention  that  they  deserve:  the  time  is  coming  when  we 
shall  not  define  civilization  as  Buckle  defined  it,  "as 
measured  by  the  mastery  of  the  human  mind  over  the 
forces  of  nature,"  but  shall  define  it  as  the  harmonious 
development  of  the  human  race,  physically,  mentally 
and  morally.  The  time  is  coming  when  physical  per- 
fection alone  will  not  satisfy,  when  intellectual  train- 
ing alone  will  not  be  sufficient,  but  when  the  spiritual 
man  will  be  considered  and  his  welfare  guarded.  I  be- 
lieve that  we  are  to  build  this  permanent  peace,  this 
permanent  arbitration,  not  upon  a  plutocracy  of  wealth 
or  upon  an  aristocracy  of  learning,  but  upon  the  democ- 
racy of  the  heart.  We  shall  then  arraign  every  evil 
at  the  bar  of  the  public  conscience,  for  the  most  potent 
force  of  which  man  has  personal  knowledge  is  the  con- 
science. That  conscience  can  be  awakened,  and  when 
awakened,  its  gentle  promptings  are  more  imperative 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  185 

than  statute  laws,  and  the  invisible  barriers  which  it 
builds  around  us  are  stronger  than  prison  walls.  [From 
an  address  delivered  before  the  Holland  Society,  New 
York  City,  January,  1904.} 


There  is  no  resisting  the  conscience  when  it  is  once 
aroused.  To  satisfy  its  demands  many  have  faced 
death  without  a  fear;  in  obedience  to  its  promptings, 
and  aglow  with  an  all-pervading  love,  others  have 
traversed  oceans,  buried'  themselves  among  strangers, 
and  devoted  their  lives  to  the  elevation  of  men  and 
women  to  whom  they  were  bound  only  by  the  primary 
tie  which  links  each  human  being  to  every  other. 

The  conscience,  quickened,  has  substituted  altruism 
for  selfishness  as  the  controlling  purpose  of  an  indi- 
vidual life,  and  so  changed  that  life  that  instead  of  re- 
sembling a  receptive,  stagnant  pool  it  has  become  like 
an  overflowing  spring.  As  the  conscience  of  an  indi- 
vidual may  transform  him  from  a  fiend  incarnate  into 
a  ministering  angel,  so  the  conscience  of  a  community, 
a  state,  or  a  nation  contains  dynamic  force  sufficient  to 
destroy  any  threatened  evil  and  to  propagate  any 
needed  truth. 

There  is  evidence  today  of  the  awakening  of  both 
the  individual  and  the  civic  conscience.  In  some  places 
this  has  taken  the  form  of  a  religious  revival  where 
the  regeneration  of  the  hearts  of  a  multitude  of  people 
has  manifested  itself  in  changed  lives,  changed  customs, 
and  changed  social  conditions.  The  recent  revival  in 
Wales  is  an  illustration  of  the  far-reaching  effect  of  a 


186  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

spiritual  awakening.  In  the  United  States  there  have 
been  recent  indications  of  a  return  from  material- 
ism and  commercialism  to  a  higher  spiritual  life,  and 
there  is  going  on  a  world-wide  study  of  the  teachings 
of  Christ  as  they  apply  to  every-day  life.  [From  an 
article  written  for  "Public  Opinion"  in  May,  1905  J] 


INDIVIDUALISM  VS.  SOCIALISM 

The  individualist  believes  that  competition  is  not 
only  a  helpful  but  a  necessary  force  in  society,  to  be 
guarded  and  protected;  the  socialist  regards  competi- 
tion as  a  hurtful  force,  to  be  entirely  exterminated. 
It  is  not  necessary  to  consider  those  who  consciously 
take  either  side  for  reasons  purely  selfish;  it  is  suffi- 
cient to  know  that  on  both  sides  there  are  those  who 
with  great  earnestness  and  sincerity  present  their 
theories,  convinced  of  their  correctness  and  sure  of  the 
necessity  for  their  application  to  human  society. 

As  socialism  is  the  newer  doctrine  the  socialist  is 
often  greeted  with  epithet  and  denunciation  rather 
than  with  argument,  but  as  usual  it  does  not  deter 
him.  Martyrdom  never  kills  a  cause,  as  all  history 
political  as  well  as  religious  demonstrates. 

In  comparing  individualism  with  socialism  it  is  only 
fair  to  consider  individualism  when  made  as  good  as 
human  wisdom  can  make  it  and  then  measure  it  with 
socialism  at  its  best.  It  is  a  common  fault  of  the 
advocate  to  present  his  system,  idealized,  in  contrast 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  187 

with  his  opponent's  system  at  its  worst,  and  it  must 
be  confessed  that  neither  individualist  jior  socialist 
has  been  entirely  free  from  this  fault.  In  dealing 
with  any  subject  we  must  consider  man  as  he  is,  or  as 
he  may  reasonably  be  expected  to  become  under  the 
operation  of  the  system  proposed,  and  it  is  much  safer 
to  consider  him  as  he  is  than  to  expect  a  radical  change 
in  his  nature.  Taking  man  as  we  find  him,  he  needs, 
as  individualists  believe,  the  spur  of  competition. 
Even  the  socialists  admit  the  advantage  of  rivalry 
within  certain  limits,  but  they  would  substitute  al- 
truistic for  selfish  motives.  Just  here  the  individualist 
and  the  socialist  find  themselves  in  antagonism.  The 
former  believes  that  altruism  is  a  spiritual  quality 
which  defies  governmental  definition  while  the  socialist 
believes  that  altruism  will  take  the  place  of  selfish- 
ness under  an  enforced  collectivism. 

Ruskin's  statement  that  "government  and  co-opera- 
tion are  in  all  things  eternally  the  laws  of  life ;  anarchy 
and  competition  eternally  and  in  all  things,  the  laws 
of  death,"  is  often  quoted  by  socialists,  but,  like  gen- 
eralizations are  apt  to  be,  it  is  more  comprehensive 
than  clear.  There  is  a  marked  distinction  between 
voluntary  co-operation,  upon  terms  mutually  satisfac- 
tory, and  compulsory  co-operation  upon  terms  agree- 
able to  a  majority.  Many  of  the  attempts  to  establish 
voluntary  co-operation  have  failed  because  of  disagree- 
ment as  to  the  distribution  of  the  common  property 
or  income,  and  those  which  have  succeeded  best  have 
•usually  rested  upon  a  religious  rather  than  upon  an 
economic  basis. 


188  THE   REAL   BRYAN 

In  any  attempt  to  apply  the  teachings  of  Christ  to 
an  economic  state  it  must  be  remembered  that  His 
religion  begins  with  a  regeneration  of  the  human  heart 
and  with  an  ideal  of  life  which  makes  service  the 
measure  of  greatness.  Tolstoy,  who  repudiates  social- 
ism as  a  substantial  reform,  contends  that  the  bringing 
of  the  individual  into  harmony  with  God  is  the  all- 
important  thing  and  that  this  accomplished  all  in- 
justice will  disappear. 

It  is  much  easier  to  conceive  of  a  voluntary  asso- 
ciation between  persons  desiring  to  work  together  ac- 
cording to  the  Christian  ideal,  than  to  conceive  of  the 
successful  operation  of  a  system,  enforced  by  law, 
wherein  altruism  is  the  controlling  principle.  The 
attempt  to  unite  church  and  state  has  never  been  help- 
ful to  either  government  or  religion  and  it  is  not  at 
all  certain  that  human  nature  can  yet  be  trusted  to 
use  the  instrumentalities  of  government  to  enforce 
religious  ideas.  The  persecutions  which  have  made 
civilization  blush  have  been  attempts  to  compel  con- 
formity to  religious  beliefs  sincerely  held  and  zealously 
promulgated. 

The  government,  whether  it  leans  toward  individ- 
ualism or  toward  socialism,  must  be  administered  by 
human  beings  and  its  administration  will  reflect  the 
weaknesses  and  imperfections  of  those  who  control  it. 
Bancroft  declares  that  the  expression  of  the  universal 
conscience  in  history  is  the  nearest  approach  to  the 
voice  of  God  and  he  is  right  in  paying  this  tribute 
to  the  wisdom  of  the  masses,  and  yet  we  can  not  over- 
look the  fact  that  this  universal  conscience  must  find 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  189 

governmental  expression  through  frail  human  beings 
who  yield  to  the  temptation  to  serve  their  own  inter- 
ests at  the  expense  of  their  fellows.  Will  socialism 
purge  the  individual  of  selfishness  or  bring  a  nearer 
approach  to  justice? 

Justice  requires  that  each  individual  shall  receive 
from  society  a  reward  proportionate  to  his  contribu- 
tion to  society;  can  the  state,  acting  through  officials, 
make  this  apportionment  better  than  it  can  be  made 
by  competition?  At  present,  official  favors  are  not 
distributed  strictly  according  to  merit  either  in  repub- 
lics or  in  monarchies ;  is  it  certain  that  socialism  would 
ensure  a  fairer  division  of  rewards  ?  If  the  govern- 
ment operates  all  the  factories,  all  the  farms  and  all 
tjie  stores,  there  must  be  superintendents  as  well  as 
workmen;  there  must  be  different  kinds  of  employ- 
ment, some  more  pleasant,  some  less  pleasant;  is  it 
likely  that  any  set  of  men  can  distribute  the  work  or 
fix  the  compensation  to  the  satisfaction  of  all,  or  even 
to  the  satisfaction  of  a  majority  of  the  people?  When 
the  government  employs  comparatively  few  of  the 
people  it  must  make  the  terms  and  conditions  inviting 
enough  to  draw  the  persons  needed  from  private  em- 
ployment and  if  those  employed  in  the  public  service 
become  dissatisfied  they  can  return  to  outside  occupa- 
tions ;  but  what  will  be  the  result  if  there  is  no  private 
employment?  What  outlet  will  there  be  for  discontent 
if  the  government  owns  and  operates  all  the  means  of 
production  and  distribution? 

Under  individualism  a  man's  reward  is  determined 
in  the  open  market  and  where  competition  is  free  he 


190  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

can  hope  to  sell  his  services  for  what  they  are  worth . 
Will  his  chance  for  reward  be  as  good  when  he  must 
do  the  work  prescribed  for  him  on  the  terms  fixed  by 
those  who  are  in  control  of  the  government? 

At  present,  private  monopoly  is  putting  upon  indi- 
vidualism an  undeserved  odium  and  it  behooves  the 
individualist  to  address  himself  energetically  to  this 
problem  in  order  that  the  advantages  of  competition 
may  be  restored  to  industry.  And  the  duty  of  im- 
mediate action  is  made  more  imperative  by  the  fact 
that  the  socialist  is  inclined  to  support  the  monopoly, 
in  the  belief  that  it  will  be  easier  to  induce  the  govern- 
ment to  take  over  an  industry  after  it  has  passed  into 
the  hands  of  a  few  men.  The  trust  magnates  and  the 
socialists  unite  in  declaring  monopoly  to  be  an 
economic  development,  the  former  hoping  to  retain 
the  fruits  of  monopoly  in  private  hands,  the  latter 
expecting  the  ultimate  appropriation  of  the  benefits 
of  monopoly  by  the  government.  The  individualist, 
on  the  contrary,  contends  that  the  consolidation  of 
industries  ceases  to  be  an  economic  advantage  when 
competition  is  eliminated,  and  he  believes,  further, 
that  no  economic  advantage  which  could  come  from 
the  monopolization  of  all  the  industries  in  the  hands 
-of  the  government  could  compensate  for  the  stifling 
of  individual  initiative  and  independence.  And  the 
individualists  who  thus  believe  stand  for  a  morality 
and  for  a  system  of  ethics  which  they  are  willing  to 
measure  against  the  ethics  and  morality  of  socialism. 
[From  article  published  in  April,  1906,  number  of 
Century  Magazine.'] 


THE   REAL   BRYAN  191 

SOCIALISM 

Landlordism,  the  curse  of  Europe,  is  an  innocent 
institution  in  comparison  with  the  trust  carried  to  its 
logical  conclusion.  The  man  who  argues  that  there 
is  an  economic  advantage  in  private  monopoly  is  aid- 
ing socialism.  The  socialist,  asserting  the  economic 
superiority  of  the  monopoly,  insists  that  its  benefits 
shall  accrue  to  the  whole  people,  and  his  conclusion 
can  not  be  denied  if  his  assumption  is  admitted.  The 
democratic  party,  if  I  understand  its  position,  denies 
the  economic  as  well  as  the  political  advantage  of 
private  monopoly  and  promises  to  oppose  it  wherever 
it  manifests  itself.  It  offers  as  an  alternative  compe- 
tition where  competition  is  possible  and  public  monop- 
oly wherever  circumstances  are  such  as  to  prevent 
competition. 

Socialism  presents  a  consistent  theory,  but  a  theory 
which,  in  my  judgment,  does  not  take  human  nature 
into  account.  Its  strength  is  in  its  attack  upon  evils 
the  existence  of  which  is  confessed;  its  weakness  is 
that  it  would  substitute  a  new  disease — if  not  a  worse 
one — for  the  disease  from  which  we  suffer.  The  social- 
ist is  honest  in  the  belief  that  he  has  found  a  remedy 
for  human  ills,  and  he  must  be  answered  with  argu- 
ment, not  with  abuse.  The  best  way  to  oppose  social- 
ism is  to  remedy  the  abuses  which  have  grown  up 
under  individualism  but  which  are  not  a  necessary 
part  of  individualism,  and  the  sooner  the  remedy  is 
applied  the  better. 

As  I  was  leaving  home  I  set  forth  my  reasons  for 


192  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

opposing  the  socialistic  doctrine  that  the  government 
should  own  and  operate  all  the  means  of  production 
and  transportation;  my  observations  during  the  past 
year  have  strengthened  my  conviction  on  that  sub- 
ject. Because  I  am  anxious  to  preserve  individual- 
ism, I  am  earnest  in  my  desire  to  see  the  trusts  ex- 
terminated, root  and  branch,  that  the  door  of  oppor- 
tunity may  be  open  to  every  American  citizen.  [From 
Madison  Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August 

so,  woe.'} 


THE  PARAMOUNT  ISSUE 

There  is  an  issue  more  fundamental  than  either  the 
trust  issue,  or  the  tariff  issue,  or  the  railroad  issue  and 
it  is  involved  in  all  of  these  issues,  and  this  larger  and 
more  fundamental  issue  is  this:  Shall  the  government 
be  administered  by  the  people  in  the  interest  of  the 
whole  people,  or  shall  it  be  administered  for  the  bene- 
fit of  a  few  and  by  those  whom  the  few,  through  coer- 
cion and  the  corruption  of  politics,  elevate  to  power. 
Shall  the  people  rule,  is  an  issue  which  all  people  can 
understand.  Shall  this  be  a  people's  government  or 
a  government  of  syndicates,  by  syndicates  and  for  syn- 
dicates? This  is  a  question  that  demands  attention. 
The  trusts  have  made  the  government  a  government  of 
a  few,  and  for  a  few,  just  as  the  beneficiaries  of  the 
tariff  have  subordinated  the  welfare  of  eighty  millions 
of  people  to  the  pecuniary  interests  of  a  comparative 
few  who  are  engaged  in  protected  industries. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  193 

The  railroad  magnates  have,  in  like  manner,  been 
permitted  to  prey  upon  the  stockholders  as  well  as  the 
patrons  of  the  road.  On  every  subject  that  has  come 
before  congress,  the  republican  leaders  have  taken  the 
side  of  the  classes  against  the  masses  until  at  last  the 
public  is  aroused  and  the  people  ready  to  act. 

The  paramount  issue,  therefore,  is  the  protection  of 
all  of  the  people  who  desire  equal  rights  from  the  few 
who  demand  special  privileges,  and  this  issue  is  pre- 
sented in  every  question  which  is  before  the  public  or 
is  likely  to  come  before  the  public.  The  few  are  in- 
terested in  •centralization ;  the  many  demand  the  pres- 
ervation of  the  rights  of  the  citizens.  The  few  are  in- 
terested in  providing  monopolies ;  the  many  demand  the 
restoration  of  competition  for  the  protection  of  the  pub- 
lic. The  few  profit  -by  a  high  tariff ;  the  many  demand 
that  taxation  shall  be  for  purposes  of  revenue  and  not 
for  the  enrichment  of  a  secondary  class.  The  few  grow 
rich  by  the  issue  of  watered  stock  and  fictitious  capi- 
talization and  by  the  juggling  of  the  values  of  railroads ; 
the  many  demand  that  the  railroads  shall  be  conducted 
as  quasi-public  enterprises  with  due  regard  to  the  inter- 
ests of  the  stockholder  and  the  patron.  The  few  would 
make  the  wage  earner  the  bond-servants  of  corporate 
masses;  the  many  insist  upon  reasonable  hours  and 
reasonable  compensation  for  those  who  toil  and  for  trial 
by  jury  as  well  as  impartial  investigation  of  dispute 
between  labor  and  capital.  The  few  hope  to  coin  money 
out  of  a  colonial  policy;  the  many — from  principle, 
as  well  as  because  they  pay  the  taxes  and  furnish  the 
sons  for  the  army — demand  the  recognition  of  the 


194  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

American  doctrine  of  self-government  wherever  the 
American  flag  floats.  The  few  may  accumulate  enor- 
mous fortunes  by  the  equipping  of  large  armies  and 
the  building  of  large  navies  and  the  opening  of  a  life 
service  to  a  comparatively  small  part ;  the  many  prefer 
peace  and  honest  friendship  with  all  nations  and  the 
justice  in  government  that  will  make  force  unnecessary. 

It  is  favoritism  for  a  part  of  the  people  or  justice  to 
the  whole  population,  and  no  matter  where  you  turn 
this  issue  presents  itself.  It  is  paramount  because  it  is 
uppermost  in  the  minds  of  the  people  and  paramount 
also  because  it  is  embodied  in  all  of  the  questions  under 
consideration. 

On  this  issue  the  democratic  party  must  stand  with 
the  people  and  fight  for  the  people.  If  between  now 
and  election  time  it  can  convince  the  public  that  it  is 
worthy  to  be  trusted  by  the  people  it  will  become  the 
instrument  of  the  people  to  secure  the  reforms,  the 
need  of  which  is  now  confessed,  but  the  accomplishment 
of  which  cannot  be  expected  from  republican  leader- 
ship. [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


THE  LAW  OF  REWARDS 

I  know  of  no  more  imperative  need  today  than  that 
there  should  be  a  clear  recognition  of  the  law  of  re- 
wards, namely,  that  each  person  is  entitled  to  draw  from 
society  in  proportion  as  he  contributes  to  the  welfare  of 
society.  This  law  is  fundamental.  It  conforms  to  that 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  195 

sense  of  justice  which  forms  the  broad  basis  of  social 
intercourse  and  a  firm  foundation  for  government. 
This  sense  of  justice  is  offended  when  any  one,  either 
through  the  favoritism  of  government  or  in  defiance 
of  government,  acquires  that  for  which  he  has  not  given 
an  equivalent.  There  are  certain  apparent  exceptions, 
bu«t  they  will  upon  examination  be  found  to  be  only 
apparent  or  to  present  evidence  of  an  attempted  ap- 
proximation to  the  standard.  For  instance,  by  general 
consent  there  is  acquirement  by  right  of  discovery.  A 
man  finds  something  of  which  man  has  not  before 
known,  and  although  the .  discovery  may  not  have 
caused  him  great  effort  yet  it  may  be  of  great  value. 
There  is  justice  in  giving  him  a  reasonable  compensa- 
tion out  of  the  thing  which  he  has  discovered,  but  the 
fact  that  the  government,  under  whose  jurisdiction  the 
land  lies,  limits  by  metes  and  bounds  the  land  which 
the  pioneer  may  claim,  is  evidence  of  an  effort  to  fix  a 
relation  between  service  and  compensation.  And.  so 
if  one  discovers  precious  metals  the  law  determines  the 
amount  of  land  that  can  be  claimed  under  the  discov- 
ery. The  inventor,  also,  in  return  for  the  benefits  con- 
ferred upon  society,  is  given  a  temporary  monopoly  of 
the  sale  of  the  thing  invented,  but  the  fact  that  he  is 
protected  for  a  limited  time  only  is  another  proof  of 
the  general  desire  that  the  reward  collected  from  society 
shall  be  proportioned  to  the  benefit  conferred  upon  so- 
ciety. It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  in  the  case 
of  an  invention  the  attempt  is  often  a  crude  one,  the 
inventor  in  many  cases  losing  in  large  part  or  entirely 
the  protection  intended  for  him,  while  some  one  pre- 


196  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

pared  to  furnish  money  for  experimentation  receives 
the  lion's  share  of  the  benefits. 

The  inheritance  would  seem  to  furnish  the  most  nota- 
ble exception  to  the  rule  of  rewards  and  yet  it  cannot 
really  be  considered  an  exception,  for  a  man's  right  to 
provide  for  those  dependent  upon  him  is  as  sacred  as 
his  right  to  provide  for  himself,  and  the  mutual  obliga- 
tions between  parent  and  child  take  inheritances  out  of 
the  ordinary  rules  of  property,  and  yet  even  in  this  case 
the  graded  taxes  now  imposed  upon  inheritances  in 
various  states — and  they  should  be  imposed  in  all 
states — indicate  a  tendency  to  limit  the  testamentary 
disposition  of  property.  Gifts  are  either,  first,  an  ex- 
pression of  affection  or  friendship,  or,  second,  payment 
for  service  rendered  or  payment  in  advance  for  service 
to  be  rendered  to  the  donor  or  to  others. 

But  turning  from  the  exceptions  to  the  rule,  what 
could  be  more  salutary  today  than  a  universal  recog- 
nition of  this  law  of  rewards?  If  instead  of  measuring 
success  by  the  amount  received,  each  one  measured 
success  by  the  amount  actually  earned,  what  a  trans- 
formation would  be  wrought  in  the  world!  If  each 
one  were  so  perfectly  under  self-control  and  so  attached 
to  a  high  ideal  as  not  to  desire  more  from  the  world 
•than  a  just  reward  for  his  contribution  to  the  world's 
welfare,  society  would  present  a  changed  appearance. 
Nearly  all  injustice,  nearly  all  of  "man's  inhumanity 
to  man,"  can  be  traced  to  an  attempt  on  the  part  of  the 
•wrong-doer  to  obtain  something  for  nothing  or  some- 
thing for  which  only  part  payment  is  offered.  A  con- 
scientious application  of  this  law  of  rewards  would  not 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  197 

only  go  far  toward  adjusting  disputes  between  labor 
and  capital,  but  it  would  go  far  toward  removing  the 
barriers  between  the  classes.  The  employe  to  make  a 
just  complaint  against  his  employer  shows  that  the 
latter  is  claiming  a  larger  share  of  the  joint  profit  than 
is  his  due,  and  the  employer  to  bring  a  just  indictment 
against  his  employe  alleges  that  the  employe  is  seeking 
a  larger  compensation  than  he  has  earned.  There 
would  be  little  difficulty  in  adjusting  hours  of  labor 
and  the  conditions  of  labor  if  the  primary  question 
of  participation  in  profits  could  be  adjusted,  and  that 
adjustment  cannot  be  equitably  made  upon  any  other 
basis  than  that  of  equivalent  values.  With  universal 
acquiescence  in  this  rule  the  usurer  would  disappear, 
carrying  his  train  of  evils  with  him;  with  the  estab- 
lishment of  this  rule  the  stock  jobber  and  the  market 
gambler  would  cease  to  disturb  the  law  of  supply  and 
demand,  and  the  reign  of  watered  stock  and  of  exploi- 
tation would  be  at  an  end.  The  observance  of  this  rule 
would  make  factory  laws  unnecessary  and  relieve  from 
premature  toil  hundreds  of  thousands  of  children  who 
now,  to  the  shame  of  our  civilization  and  to  the  perma- 
nent harm  of  our  country,  become  sullen  supporters  of 
the  family  when  they  should  enjoy  the  delights  of  child- 
hood and  the  advantages  of  school.  Those  who,  instead 
of  trying  to  see  how  much  they  can  squeeze  out  of  the 
world  are  anxious  to  give  to  the  world  a  dollar's  worth 
of  service  for  a  dollar's  worth  of  pay,  are  protected 
against  every  form  of  swindling,  for  the  "get-rich- 
quick"  schemes  which  spring  up  and  impose  upon  the 
public  until  they  are  exposed  and  driven  out,  always 


198  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

appeal  to  the  speculative  spirit,  and  lead  their  victinu 
to  expect  something  for  nothing. 

It  must  not  be  understood,  however,  that  the  law  of 
rewards  comprehends  all  of  one's  obligations.  There 
is  a  clear  distinction  between  justice  and  benevolence. 
Justice  requires  that  each  person  shall  be  secure  in  the 
enjoyment  of  that  which  he  earns,  but  there  is  some- 
thing better  than  justice.  True,  the  elimination  of 
injustice  is  greatly  to  be  desired,  but  if  the  world  con- 
tained nothing  more  comforting  there  might  still  be 
a  vast  amount  of  suffering  and  woe.  After  the  govern- 
ment has  exhausted  human  wisdom  in  the  effort  to  «o 
adjust  rewards  as  to  secure  to  each  person  a  fair  and 
just  compensation  for  all  that  he  does,  religion  steps 
in  and  suggests  a  still  higher  and  broader  rule.  Justice 
would  leave  the  individual  to  suffer  for  his  own  errors 
and  to  pay  the  penalty  for  his  own  mistakes,  but  love 
as  taught  in  the  Bible  and  exemplified  by  the  Author 
of  our  religion,  teaches  us  to  "feel  another's  woe"  and 
to  bear  one  another's  burdens.  If  sickness  overtakes  a 
neighbor  it  does  not  satisfy  the  conscience  to  say :  "He 
brought  it  upon  himself,  let  him  suffer."  If  a  wife  is 
impoverished  by  the  dissipations  of  a  husband  it  does 
not  satisfy  the  conscience  to  say:  "She  ought  to  have 
known  better  than  to  marry  him,"  or  "She  ought  to 
leave  him."  If  a  child  is  left  friendless  it  does  not 
satisfy  the  conscience  to  say:  "It  is  not  my  child;  I 
owe  it  nothing."  In  a  multitude  of  ways  we  are  daily 
brought  face  to  face  with  the  fact  that  this  world  needs 
something  more  helpful,  more  encouraging,  more  up- 
lifting than  justice,  and  love  supplies  this  need.  A  high 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  199 

ideal  of  life,  therefore,  leads  us  to  be  more  exacting 
with  ourselves  than  we  are  with  others.  We  must  use 
a  larger  measure  when  we  estimate  society's  claims  upon 
us  than  when  we  calculate  our  claims  upon  society, 
for  while  we  have  a  right  to  expect  from  society  a  fair 
compensation  for  what  we  do,  we  are  in  duty  bound  to 
make  to  society  a  contribution  which  no  legal  definition 
can  measure.  [Address  entitled  "Man,"  delivered  at 
Commencement  Day  exercises,  Nebraska  State  Uni- 
versity, June  15,  1905.} 


BEFORE  THE  IRISH  CLUB 

I  have  some  Irish  blood  in  my  veins.  (Applause.) 
Just  how  much  I  do  not  know.  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
necessary  to  investigate,  for  I  think  I  claim  more 
than  I  could  prove.  (Laughter.)  I  have  the  testi- 
mony of  my  father  that  we  were  of  Irish  extraction, 
although  we  don't  know  when  our  ancestors  landed  in 
America,  or  from  what  part  of  Ireland  they  came. 
I  know  that  I  am  part  Irish;  my  name  helps  me  out 
in  that.  I  am  part  English.  My  father's  mother's 
name  helps  me  out  in  that.  I  am  part  Scotch.  My/ 
mother's  mother's  name  helps  me  out  in  that, 
(Laughter.)  But  I  am  all  American.  (Applause.) 
I  think  my  wife  not  only  has  some  of  the  blood  of 
each  of  these  countries,  but  as  she  goes  beyond  me  in 
nearly  every  other  respect,  so  in  this,  she  traces  her 
ancestry  to  one  more  race  than  I  do,  and  mixes  a  little 


200  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

German  with  Irish,  English,  and  Scotch.  (Applause.) 
So  that  you  can  understand  we  have  a  double  reason 
for  appreciating  the  cordiality  of  your  welcome.  (Ap- 
plause.) Mention  has  been  made  of  the  fact  that 
some  of  your  countrymen  have  gone  to  America.  That 
is  true  (laughter) — a  great  many.  In  fact  so  many, 
that  when  I  was  in  Ireland  the  other  day  I  could  not 
help  noticing  the  number  of  American  names  you 
have  on  your  buildings.  (Laughter  and  applause.)  I 
saw  nearly  everywhere  names  with  which  I  am  fa- 
miliar, on  the  buildings  in  Cork,  Dublin  and  Belfast. 
I  may  say  to  you  that  the  Irish  who  have  gone  to 
America  have  been  a  great  help  to  our  country.  I 
can  say  without  flattery  that  no  people  have  come 
amongst  us  who  have  shown  themselves  more  capable 
of  efficient  participation  in  even'  department  of  Amer- 
ican life.  (Applause.)  You  may  go  into  any  section 
of  the  country,  you  may  go  among  the  people  of  any 
occupation,  of  any  profession,  of  any  calling,  and  you 
will  find  the  Irish  there.  (Applause.)  There  is  no 
department  of  work  in  America  in  which  they  have 
not  played  a  conspicuous  part.  They  have  been  prom- 
inent in  the  ministry,  they  have  been  prominent  in 
statesmanship,  they  have  been  prominent  at  the  bar, 
and  in  every  industrial  occupation  they  have  borne 
their  part.  It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  there 
should  be  a  sympathy  between  the  people  of  Ireland 
and  the  people  of  the  United  States.  (Applause.) 
It  is  not  strange,  therefore,  that  everything  that  affects 
your  welfare  interests  them,  that  every  aspiration  you 
have  for  the  development  and  elevation  and  progress 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  201 

of  your  people  finds  a  warm  response  in  the  hearts  of 
the  American  people  (applause),  and  that  is  true,  as 
has  been  so  eloquently  said,  without  regard  to  party, 
and  without  regard  to  creed.  (Applause.)  Just  as 
ia  Ireland,  O'Connell,  the  Catholic,  and  Parnell,  the 
Protestant,  found  common  ground  in  advocating  the 
rights  and  interests  of  Irishmen,  so  in  my  country 
Protestants  and  Catholics  look  with  friendly  eyes  upon 
the  Emerald  Isle,  and  wish  you  great  prosperity  and 
the  advancement  of  your  people.  (Applause.)  It  is 
true,  also,  in  politics,  for  while  I  think  I  can  say  that 
the  majority  of  the  Irish  in  America  belong  to  the 
party  to  which  I  belong,  I  must  be  frank  enough  to 
tell  you  that  sympathy  with  the  Irish  cause  is  not 
monopolized  by  the  democratic  party.  The  repub- 
lican, as  well  as  the  democrats,  look  with  interest  and 
deep  concern  upon  all  that  appertains  to  your  welfare, 
and  your  development,  and  your  ambitions.  (Loud 
applause.)  I  think  I  owe  that  to  the  people  of  my 
country,  to  my  political  opponents,  to  say  that  we, 
democrats,  can  not  claim  any  greater  love  for  you,  or 
greater  interest  in  you,  than  the  republicans  can,  for 
I  believe  this  feeling  is  well  nigh  universal.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

If  I  was  speaking  merely  from  the  political  stand- 
point I  might  express  regret  that  your  people,  when 
they  went  to  America,  divided  themselves  among  the 
various'  parties,  yet  when  I  find  good  people  in  the 
party  opposed  to  me,  instead  of  discouraging  me,  it 
encourages  because  it  gives  us  much  to  fight  for  in 
getting  them  out  of  the  other  party  into  our  own. 


202  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

(Laughter.)  For  if  we  had  all  the  good  people  in  our 
party,  and  all  the  bad  people  in  the  other  party,  it- 
might  be  bad  for  our  country. 

Mr.  O'Connor  has  mentioned  our  country  and  its 
position  in  the  world.  I  am  glad  that  the  people  of 
Ireland  feel  as  they  do  towards  America,  and  I  may 
say  to  you  that  in  an  absence  of  now  a  little  more  than 
ten  months,  it  has  done  my  heart  good  to  find  a  friend- 
ly feeling  towards  the  United  States  in  all  the  coun- 
tries I  have  been  in.  Nowhere  did  I  find  people  ex- 
pressing anything  but  interest  in  the  United  States, 
and  I  want  to  say  this  to  you — that  it  has  strength- 
ened me  in  the  conviction  that  the  ambition  of  my 
nation  should  be  not  to  make  people  fear  it,  but  to 
make  people  love  it.  (Applause.)  If  there  be  any 
who  take  pride  in  the  fact  that  people  outside  of  their 
land  bow  in  fear  before  their  flag,  I  take  pride  in  the 
fact  that  we  have  a  flag  which  make?  them  turn  their 
eyes  towards  Heaven  and  thank  God  there  is  such  a 
flag.  (Applause.)  [From  address  before  the  Irish 
Club  in  London.] 


gfctctt* 


THE  DUAL  SCHEME 

The  democratic  party  is  pledged  to  defend  the  Con- 
stitution and  enforce  the  laws  of  the  United  States, 
and  it  is  also  pledged  to  respect  and  preserve  the  dual 
scheme  of  government  instituted  by  the  founders  of 
the  Republic.  The  name,  United  States,  was  happily 
chosen.  It  combines  the  idea  of  national  strength 
with  the  idea  of  local  self-government,  and  suggests 
"an  indissoluble  union  of  indestructible  states."  Our 
Revolutionary  fathers,  fearing  the  tendencies  toward 
centralization,  as  well  as  the  dangers  of  disintegration, 
guarded  against  both;  and  national  safety,  as  well  as 
domestic  security,  is  to  be  found  in  the  careful  ob- 
servance of  the  limitations  which  they  imposed.  It 
will  be  noticed  that,  while  the.  United  States  guar- 
antees to  every  state  a  republican  form  of  government 
and  is  empowered  to  protect  each  state  against  in- 
vasion, it  is  not  authorized  to  interfere  in  the  domestic 
affairs  of  any  state  except  upon  application  of  the  leg- 
islature of  the  state,  or  upon  the  application  of  the 
Executive  when  the  legislature  cannot  be  convened. 

This  provision  rests  upon  the  sound  theory  that  the 
people  of  the  state,  acting  through  their  legally  chosen 
representatives,  are,  because  of  their  more  intimate 


204  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

acquaintance  with  local  conditions,  better  qualified 
than  the  president  to  judge  of  the  necessity  for  federal 
assistance.  Those  who  framed  our  constitution  wisely 
determined  to  make  as  broad  an  application  of  the 
principles  of  local  self-government  as  circumstances 
would  permit,  and  we  cannot  dispute  the  correctness 
of  the  position  taken  by  them  without  expressing  a 
distrust  of  the  people  themselves.  [Letter  of  accept- 
ance in  1896.] 

ADVANTAGES  OF   THE  DUAL  SYSTEM 

The  monopolists  who  are  bleeding  the  country  are 
the  very. ones  who  are  constantly  defying  the  states 
and  belittling  their  rights.  Of  course  they  object  U- 
national  legislation,  and  in  making  their  objection 
they  naturally  present  arguments  in  favor  of  the  state, 
but  these  arguments  ought  not  to  fool  anybody.  When- 
ever the  state  attempts  to  do  anything  these  same 
monopolists  rush  to  the  cover  offered  by  the  federal 
courts.  The  railroads  have  done  more  to  build  up 
the  power  of  the  federal  courts  than  any  other  one  in- 
fluence, and  there  is  scarcely  a  state  legislature  which 
the  railroads  have  not  defied.  If  the  trust  magnates 
and  the  railroad  presidents  had  their  way  about  it, 
state  lines  would  be  entirely  obliterated,  and  corpora- 
tions would  be  chartered  by  the  federal  government. 
That  they  do  not  have  their  way  about  it  is  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  people  recognize  the  necessity  for 
local  self-government.  It  is  true  that  the  states  have 
been  brought  nearer  together  and  their  relations  made 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  205 

more  intimate  since  the  adoption  of  the  federal  Con- 
stitution but  the  need  for  the  state  is  stronger  today 
than  it  was  a  century  ago.  The  wide  extent  of  our 
country,  the  increase  in  our  population,  the  greater 
complexity  of  our  business  relations  and  industries — 
all  these  increase  the  importance  of  the  state.  The  fed- 
eral government  could  not  look  after  the  multiplied 
interests  of  the  people.  The  founders  of  the  Consti- 
tution built  more  wisely  than  they  knew  when  they 
reserved  to  the  states  the  powers  not  delegated  to  the 
federal  government.  Congress  has  all  the  power  that 
it  needs.  In  the  realm  of  interstate  commerce  it  is 
supreme.  The  state  can  charter  corporations,  and  so 
long  as  those  corporations  confine  their  business  to  the 
state,  the  federal  government  can  not  interfere,  but 
the  moment  those  corporations  step  across  the  state 
line,  they  come  under  the  supervision  of  the  federal 
government  and  Congress  has  power  to  fix  the  terms 
upon  which  they  shall  do  business.  This  is  a  very 
much  better  arrangement  than  to  have  national  cor- 
porations superior  to  and  independent  of  the  states. 
We  have  trouble  enough  with  overgrown  state  cor- 
porations. We  would  have  still  more  trouble  if  we 
permitted  the  creation  of  overgrown  national  corpora- 
tions. 

The  state  and  the  nation — both  are  necessary — and 
the  doctrine  of  Jefferson  and  Jackson  is  the  doctrine 
that  must  prevail .  today.  We  need  no  new  principles ; 
we  need  only  the  courageous  application  of  old-time 
principles  to  the  new  conditions.  We  need  remedies, 
state  and  national,  but  it  is  not  necessary  that  the  na« 


206  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

tion  should  encroach  upon  the  rights  of  the  state  or 
the  state  upon  the  rights  of  the  nation  in  order  to 
secure  such  remedial  legislation  as  is  demanded. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


INFLUENCE   OF    THE   STATE 

The  states  are  even  more  needed  than  they  formerly 
were  for  the  administration  of  domestic  affairs.  As  a 
matter  of  theory,  that  government  is  best  which  is  near- 
est to  the  people.  If  there  is  any  soundness  at  all  in  the 
doctrine  of  self-government,  the  people  can  act  most 
intelligently  upon  matters  with  which  they  are  most 
familiar.  There  are  a  multitude  of  things  which  can 
be  done  better  by  the  county  than  by  state  authority, 
and  there  are  a  multitude  of  things  which  can  be  done 
better  by  the  state  than  by  the  federal  government.  An 
attempt  to  transfer  to  the  national  capital  the  business 
now  conducted  at  the  state  capitals  would  be  open  to  two 
objections,  either  of  which  would  be  fatal.  First,  Con- 
gress could  not  transact  tlje  business.  The  work  now 
devolving  on  the  national  legislature  makes  it  difficult 
to  secure  consideration  for  any  except  the  most  impor- 
tant measures.  The  number  of  bills  actually  discussed 
in  a  deliberate  way  is  small;  most  of  the  bills  that 
pass  are  rushed  through  by  unanimous  consent,  and  a 
still  larger  number  die  on  the  calendar  or  in  committee. 

Second,  the  members  of  Congress  could  not  inform 
themselves  about  local  needs.  The  interests  and  indus- 
tries of  the  nation  are  so  diversified  and  the  various 
sections  so  different  in  their  needs  that  the  members  of 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  207 

Congress  from  one  part  of  the  country  would  be  en- 
tirely ignorant  of  the  conditions  in  other  parts  of  the 
country.  Whenever  Congress  attempts  legislation  now 
for  a  particular  section,  the  matter  is  usually  left  to 
the  members  from  that  section,  but  more  often  the 
matter  is  crowded  out  entirely  by  larger  interests. 

The  farther  the  legislative  body  is  from  the  commu- 
nity affected  by  the  law,  the  easier  it  is  for  special  inter- 
ests to  control.  This  has  been  illustrated  in  state  leg- 
islatures when  long-time  charters  have  been  granted 
to  franchise  corporations  by  the  votes  of  members  whose 
constituents,  not  being  interested,  do  not  hold  (them  to 
strict  account,  and  it  would  be  worse  if  Congress  acted 
on  the  same  subjects.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Com- 
moner.] 

JEFFERSON'S  REASONS 

One  of  Jefferson's  reasons  for  supporting  staite  gov- 
ernments in  all  their  rights  was  that  they  were  the 
surest  bulwark  against  anti-republican  tendencies. 
Those  anti-republican  tendencies  exist  today,  and  the 
bulwark  cannot  be  dispensed  with.  While  popular 
government  is  growing  stronger  all  over  the  world, 
there  are  still  those  in  this  country  who  distrust  the 
people.  There  are  many  prominent  men  who  regard 
Hamilton  as  the  greatest  of  the  political  thinkers  of  his 
day,  although  his  statesmanship  cannot  be  considered 
independently  of  the  views  embodied  in  his  plan  of 
government.  There  are  those  who  are  constantly  irri- 
tated by  the  limitations  which  the  Constitution  has 


208  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

placed  upon  the  sphere  of  the  federal  government,  and 
who  resent  the  independence  of  the  state  in  its  local 
affairs.  This  very  irritation  ought  to  be  a  warning; 
if  there  are  those  who  are  irritated  because  they  can- 
not override  the  wishes  of  the  community,  what  would 
be  the  irritation  in  the  community  if  the  wishes  of  its 
members  were  overridden  ?  A  systematic  absorption  of 
power  by  the  federal  government  would  not  only  cause 
discontent  and  weaken  the  attachment  of  the  people 
for  the  government,  but  a  withdrawal  of  power  from 
the  state  would  breed  indifference  to  public  affairs — the 
forerunner  of  despotism. 

The  exercise  by  the  federal  government  of  restrain- 
ing power  is  not  so  objectionable  as  the  exercise  of  crea- 
tive power,  but  even  in  the  exercise  of  restraining  power 
care  should  be  taken  to  preserve  to  the  states  the  exer- 
cise of  concurrent  authority,  so  that  the  state  govern- 
ment, as  well  as  the  national  government,  can  stand 
guard  over  the  rights  of  the  citizen. 

The  demand  for  the  enlargement  of  the  powers  of 
the  federal  government  comes  from  two  sources,  viz., 
from  those  who  believe  with  Hamilton  in  the  theory 
of  centralization,  and  from  those  who  want  legislation 
which  the  state's  rights  doctrine  obstructs.  Of  these 
two  classes  the  last  is  most  influential,  because  the  mem- 
bers of  this  class  impart  to  their  method  the  strength 
supplied  by  the  object  aimed  at.  An  abstract  theory 
seldom  provokes  discussion,  but  wars  have  been  fought 
over  a  theory  embodied  in  a  concrete  issue.  [From  an 
editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  209 

SPHERE   OF  THE  STATE 

The  recent  decision  of  the  supreme  court  sustaining 
the  federal  judges  in  North  Carolina  and  Minnesota, 
focuses  public  attention  upon  a  subject,  consideration 
of  which  cannot  be  much  longer  delayed:  Shall  the 
lower  federal  courts  have  jurisdiction  to  suspend  the 
laws  of  the  various  states  before  the  state  courts  have 
had  an  opportunity  to  pass  upon  those  laws?  The 
newspapers  which  take  their  inspiration  from  the  large 
corporations  are  congratulating  the  country  that  proper- 
ty is  made  more  secure  by  the  decision,  and  that 
vested  interests  are  rescued  from)  peril.  How  long  will 
these  papers  be  able  to  deceive  the  public  and  to  mislead 
their  readers?  Property  is  in  no  danger  and  vested 
interests  are  not  imperiled.  The  laws  of  the  states  can 
be  depended  upon  to  protect  property  rights  and  vested 
interests.  The  question  is  simply  a  question  of  dealing 
with  corporations.  Shall  the  corporation  be  regarded 
as  superior  to  the  natural  man?  That  is  the  only 
question  involved.  If  a  natural  man  locates  in  a  state 
and  engages  in  business  he  must  rely  upon  the  state 
courts  for  his  protection.  The  state  protects  him  in 
his  life,  in  his  liberty  and  in  his  property  and  he  re- 
sorts to  the  courts  of  the  state  when  he  seeks  to  enforce 
a  right  Under  the  present  laws  and  decisions  it  is 
different  with  the  corporation.  A  railroad  corporation 
can  be  organized  in  the  state  of  New  Jersey  and  proceed 
to  engage  in  business  in  any  of  the  forty-six  states  of 
the  union ;  it  gets  from  the  state  a  license  to  build  a 
railroad ;  it  uses  the  power  of  eminent  domain  and  con- 


210  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

demns  land;  the  state  laws  protect  its  property  and 
the  lives  of  its  employes,  but  when  a  citizen  sues  the 
railroad  for  more  than  two  thousand  dollars,  or  the 
state  attempts  to  regulate  the  railroad,  the  railroad  con- 
temptuously turns  its  back  upon  the  state  and  the 
courts  of  the  state  and  drags  its  adversary  into  the 
United  States  court.  Why  should  a  state  be  so  impo- 
tent when  it  deals  with  a  corporation  which  owes  so 
much  to  the  state? 

If  the  state  passes  a  rate  law  the  railroad  at  once 
enjoins  the  enforcement  of  the  law  on  the  ground  that 
it  is  unconstitutional.  While  the  courts  are  deciding 
this  question  the  state  stands  helpless.  The  law  has 
not  been  declared  unconstitutional  by  any  court,  and 
yet,  the  state  is  not  permitted  to  enforce  it.  If.  after 
months  or  years  of  litigation,  the  United  States  court 
decides  that  the  law  is  not  unconstitutional,  then 
during  all  of  the  intervening  time  the  state  has  been 
prevented  from  enforcing  a  constitutional  law.  Why 
not  give  to  the  state  courts  rather  than  to  the  railroads 
the  benefit  of  the  presumption?  Why  clothe  a  corpo- 
ration with  privileges  so  much  superior  to  those  of 
the  natural  man?  The  democrats  of  Congress  are  right 
in  urging  the  passage  of  a  law  withdrawing  from  the 
circuit  and  district  courts  of  the  United  States  power 
to  suspend  state  laws.  Let  every  corporation  doing 
business  in  the  state  submit  its  controversies  to  the 
courts  of  the  state,  and  thus  put  itself  upon  the  same 
footing  with  domestic  corporations  and  with  individual 
residents.  If  the  state  courts  deny  the  corporation  jus- 
tice, the  corporation  still  has  its  appeal  from  the  high- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  211 

est  state  court  to  the  United  States  supreme  court.    Is 
not  this  protection  enough? 

-  The  big  corporations  and  their  defenders,  conscious 
of  the  weakness  of  their  cause,  constantly  confuse  the 
issue.  The  question  is,  not  whether  property  shall  be 
protected,  for  the  state  has  as  much  interest  as  the 
nation  in  the  protection  of  property;  the  question  is, 
shall  the  corporation  be  brought  down  to  the  level  of 
the  God-made  man,  or  shall  it  be  made  an  object  of 
worship?  The  democrats  are  right  in  insisting  that 
the  state  shall  not  be  deprived  of  its  power  to  protect 
its  citizens,  and  that  federal  remedies  shall  be  added 
to  state  remedies,  not  substituted  for  them.  There  is 
no  disposition  anywhere  to  deny  to  the  federal  gov- 
ernment its  constitutional  authority,  but  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  district  and  circuit  courts  of  the  United 
States  is  regulated  by  Congress,  and  Congress  ought  to 
withdraw  the  jurisdiction  which  the  lower  federal  courts 
are  now  using  to  the  prejudice  of  the  states  and  citi- 
zens of  the  states.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Com- 
moner.] 


cutt* 


EMPLOYER   AND    EMPLOYE 

I  have  referred  to  the  investigation  of  international 
controversies  under  a  system  which  does  not  bind  the 
parties  to  accept  the  findings  of  the  court  of  inquiry. 
This  plan  can  be  used  in  disputes  between  labor  and 
capital  ;  in  fact,  it  was  proposed  as  a  means  of  settling 
such  disputes  before  it  was  applied  to  international 
controversies.  It  is  as  important  that  we  shall  have 
peace  at  home  as  that  we  shall  live  peaceably  with 
neighboring  nations,  and  peace  is  possible  only  when 
it  rests  upon  justice.  In  advocating  arbitration  of  dif- 
ferences between  large  corporate  employers  and  their 
employes,  I  believe  we  are  defending  the  highest  inter- 
ests of  the  three  parties  to  these  disputes,  viz.  :  the  em- 
ployers, the  employes  -and  the  public.  The  employe 
cannot  be  turned  over  to  the  employer  to  be  dealt  with 
as  the  employer  may  please. 

The  question  sometimes  asked,  "Can  I  not  conduct 
my  business  to  suit  myself?"  is  a  plausible  one,  but. 
when  a  man  in  conducting  his  business  attempts  to 
arbitrarily  fix  the  conditions  under  which  hundreds 
of  employes  are  to  live  and  to  determine  the  future  of 
thousands  of  human  beings,  I  answer  without  hesita- 
tion that  he  has  no  right  to  conduct  his  own  busi- 
212 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  213 

ness  in  such  a  way  as  to  deprive  his  employes  of  the 
right  to  life,  liberty  and  the  pursuit  of  happiness.  To 
support  this  position,  i  need  only  refer  to  the  laws  regu- 
lating the  safety  of  mines,  the  factory  laws  fixing  the 
age  at  which  children  can  be  employed,  and  usury  laws 
establishing  the  rate  of  interest.  The  effort  of  the  em- 
ployer to  settle  differences  without  arbitration  has  done 
much  to  embitter  him  against  those  who  work  for  him 
and  to  estrange  them  from  him — a  condition  deplorable 
from  every  standpoint. 

But  if  dt  is  unwise  to  make  the  employer  the  sole 
custodian  of  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  employes, 
it  is  equally  unwTise  to  give  the  employes  uncontrolled 
authority  over  the  rights  and  interests  of  the  employ- 
er. The  employes  are  no  more  te  be  trusted  to  act 
unselfishly  and  disinterestedly  than  the  employers.  In 
their  zeal  to  secure  a  present  advantage  they  may  not 
only  do  injustice  but  even  forfeit  a  larger  future  gain. 

The  strike,  the  only  weapon  of  the  employe  at  pres- 
ent, is  a  two-edged  sword  and  may  injure  the  workmen 
as  much  as  the  employer,  and  even  when  wholly  suc- 
cessful, is  apt  to  leave  a  rankling  in  the  bosom  of  the 
wage-earner  that  ought  not  to  be.  Society  has,  more- 
over, something  at  stake  as  well  as  the  employer  and 
employe,  for  there  can  be  no  considerable  strike  with- 
out considerable  loss  to  the  public.  Society,  there- 
fore, ds  justified  in  demanding  that  the  differences 
between  capital  and  labor  shall  be  settled  by  peaceful 
means.  If  a  permanent,  impartial  board  is  created, 
to  which  either  party  of  an  industrial  dispute  may 
appeal  or  which  can  of  its  motion  institute  an  inquiry, 


214  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

public  opinion  may  be  relied  upon  to  enforce  the  find- 
ing. If  there  is  compulsory  submission  to  investigation, 
it  is  not  necessary  that  there  shall  be  compulsory  ac- 
ceptance of  the  decision,  for  a  full  and  fair  investiga- 
tion will,  in  almost  every  case,  bring  about  a  settle- 
ment. 

No  reference  to  the  labor  question  is  complete  that 
does  not  include  some  mention  of  what  is  known  as 
government  by  injunction.  As  the  main  purpose  of 
the  writ  is  to  evade  trial  by  jury,  it  is  really  an  attack 
upon  the  jury  system  and  ought  to  arouse  a  unani- 
mous protest.  However,  as  the  writ  is  usually  invoked 
in  case  of  a  strike  the  importance  of  the  subject  would 
be  very  much  reduced  by  the  adoption  of  a  system  of 
arbitration,  because  arbitration  would  very  much  re- 
duce, even  if  it  did  not  entirely  remove,  the  probability 
of  a  strike. 

Just  another  word  in  regard  to  the  laboring  man. 
The  struggle  to  secure  an  eight-hour  day  is  an  inter- 
national struggle  and  it  is  sure  to  be  settled  in  favor 
of  the  workingmen's  contention.  The  benefits  of  the 
labor-saving  machine  have  not  been  distributed  with 
equity.  The  producer  has  enormously  multiplied  his 
capacity,  but  so  far  the  owner  of  the  machine  has 
received  too  much  of  the  increase  and  the  laborer  too 
little.  Those  who  oppose  the  eight-hour  day  do  it,  I 
am  convinced,  more  because  of  ignorance  of  conditions 
than  because  of  lack  of  sympathy  with  those  who  toil. 
The  removal  of  work  from  the  house  to  the  factory  has 
separated  the  husband  from  his  wife  and  the  father 
from  his  children,  while  the  growth  of  our  cities  has 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  215 

put  an  increasing  distance  between  the  home  and  the 
workshop.  Then,  too,  more  is  demanded  of  the  labor- 
ing man  now  than  formerly.  He  is  a  citizen  as  well 
as  a  laborer,  and  must  have  time  for  the  study  of  pub- 
lic questions  if  he  is  to  be  an  intelligent  sovereign. 
To  drive  him  from  his  bed  to  his  task  and  from  his 
task  to  his  bed  is  to  deprive  the  family  of  his  com- 
panionship, society  of  his  service  and  politics  of  his 
influence.  [From  Madison  Square  Garden  speech, 
New  York,  August  30,  1906.'} 

ARBITRATION 

I  desire  to  give  special  emphasis  to  the  plank  which 
recommends  such  legislation  as  is  necessary  to  secure 
the  arbitration  of  differences  between  employers  en- 
gaged in  interstate  commerce  and  their  employes.  Ar- 
bitration is  not  a  new  idea — it  is  simply  an  extension 
of  the  court  of  justice.  The  laboring  men  of  the  coun- 
try have  expressed  a  desire  for  arbitration,  and  the 
railroads  cannot  reasonably  object  to  the  decisions  ren- 
dered by  an  impartial  tribunal.  Society  has  an  inter- 
est even  greater  than  the  interest  of  employer  or  em- 
ploye, and  has  a  right  to  protect  itself  by  courts  of 
arbitration  against  the  growing  inconvenience  and 
embarrassment  occasioned  by  disputes  between  those 
who  own  the  great  arteries  of  commerce  on  the  one 
hand,  and  the  laborers  who  operate  them  on  the  other. 
[Letter  of  acceptance  in  1896.'] 

No  one  who  has  observed  the  friction  which  arises 
between  great  corporations  and  their  numerous  em- 


216  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

ployes  can  doubt  the  wisdom  of  establishing  an  im- 
partial court  for  the  just  and  equitable  settlement  of 
disputes.  The  demand  for  arbitration  ought  to  be  sup- 
ported as  heartily  by  the  public,  which  suffers  inconven- 
ience because  of  strikes  and  lockouts,  and  by  the  em- 
ployers themselves  as  by  the  employes.  The  establish- 
ment of  arbitration  will  insure  friendly  relations 
between  labor  and  capital,  and  render  obsolete  the  grow- 
ing practice  of  calling  in  the  army  to  settle  labor 
troubles.  [Letter  of  acceptance,  1900.} 

LABOR  AND  "PROPERTY  RIGHTS" 

Every  attempt  to  legislate  in  the  interests  of  the 
laboring  men  is  met  with  the  declaration  that  it  is  an 
interference  with  the  rights  of  property.  How  would 
property  be  created  but  for  labor?  And  who  will  say 
that  the  man  who  furnishes  the  capital  should  be 
permitted  to  decide  without  appeal  the  conditions  upon 
which  property  shall  be  created  by  those  who  labor 
for  him?  We  often  hear  it  asked  by  the  manu- 
facturer: "Have  I  not  the  right  to  manage  my  own 
business?"  That  is  not  the  question.  If  the  manu- 
facturer will  set  himself  to  work  to  produce  something 
with  his  own  hands,  nobody  will  question  his  right  to 
control  his  own  business.  But  something  more  is  im- 
plied by  his  question.  If  he  would  put  the  question 
fairly  he  would  ask,  not  "Have  I  not  the  right  to  man- 
age my  own  business?"  but  rather,  "Have  I  not  the 
right,  in  managing  my  business,  to  regulate  the  lives, 
the  liberty,  the  hopes,  the  happiness  of  those  whom  I 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  217 

employ?"  But  to  ask  the  question  in  this  form  would 
be  to  suggest  a  negative  answer,  while  he  demands  an 
affirmative  answer. 

Those  who  claim  the  right  to  arbitrarily  determine 
the  hours,  the  wages  and  the  conditions  of  labor  de- 
mand the  right  to  arbitrarily  determine  the  status  of 
the  laboring  man  and  to  fix  the  conditions  that  are 
to  surround  him  and  his  posterity.  Is  it  an  inter- 
ference with  property  rights  to  demand  that  the  labor- 
ing man  shall  have  a  fair  share  of  the  proceeds  of 
his  own  toil — a  fair  share  of  the  property  which  he 
creates?  His  right  to  accumulate  property  should  not 
be  ignored.  Not  only  should  he  be  allowed  to  accumu- 
late property,  but  he  should  have  leisure  to  enable  him 
to  enjoy  communion  with  his  own  family  and  to  fit 
himself  for  intelligent  participation  in  the  affairs  of 
his  government.  By  what  authority  will  the  capitalist 
put  his  claim  to  larger  dividends  above  the  rights  of  the 
wage-earners  and  the  welfare  of  the  wage-earner's  chil- 
dren? [From  an  article  published  in  the  Saturday 
Evening  Post  in  1905.] 


REPRESENTATION    IN    THE.  CABINET 

I  cannot  too  strongly  emphasize  the  importance  of 
the  platform  recommendation  of  the  establishment  of 
a  department  of  labor,  with  a  member  of  the  Cabinet 
at  its  head.  When  we  remember  how  important  a 
position  the  laborer  fills  in  our  economic,  social  and 
political  fabric,  it  is  hard  to  conceive  of  a  valid  objec- 
tion being  made  to  this  recognition  of  his  services. 


218  THE    REAL    BRYAIS 

Agriculture  is  already  represented  in  the  President's 
official  household;  the  army  and  navy  have  their  rep- 
resentatives there;  the  state  department,  with  its  con- 
sular service,  and  the  treasury  department,  with  its 
close  connection  with  fiscal  affairs,  keep  the  Executive 
in  touch  with  the  business  and  commercial  interests. 
A  Cabinet  officer  truly  representative  of  the  wage-earn- 
ing class  would  be  of  invaluable  aid,  not  only  to  the 
toilers  but  to  the  President.  [Letter  of  acceptance, 
1900.} 

THEIR   SHARE   IX   PROSPERITY 

Of  course,  the  laboring  man  has  shared  in  the  gen- 
eral prosperity  brought  by  better  «rops,  a  larger  vol- 
ume of  money  and  higher  prices,  but  he  has  not 
shared  as  fully  as  he  ought  to  have  shared,  and  for 
that  reason  he  is  not  singing  praises  to  the  republican 
party.  He  knows  that  the  trusts  are  extorting  from 
him  more  than  he  ought  to  pay  for  that  which  he* 
has  to  buy  and  that  these  same  trusts  are  bent  upon 
the  destruction  of  the  labor  organizations  which  have 
benefited  the  laboring  man  infinitely  more  than  the 
republican  party  has  ever  tried  to  benefit  him.  The 
laboring  men  know  also  that  they  toiled  in  vain  to 
secure  remedial  legislation  at  the  hands  of  the  last 
republican  congress,  and  these  labor  leaders  were  so 
incensed  at  their  failure  that  they  went  into  politics 
more  actively  than  ever  before,  in  the  hope  of  defeat- 
ing republican  leaders  who  prevented  legislation  fav- 
orable to  the  laboring  men. 

The  republican  party  has  been  in  power  continu- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  219 

ously  since  1896.  It  has  controlled  the  presidency, 
the  senate,  the  house  and  the  United  States  court. 
It  has  had  power  to  do  all  that  it  wanted  to  do;  if  it 
has  failed  to  do  that  which  should  have  been  done, 
it  must  be  because  the  party  leaders  lacked  knowledge 
as  to  what  should  have  been  done  or  lacked  the  desire 
to  do  what  should  have  been  done.  The  testimony 
of  the  labor  leaders  is  unanimous  that  the  republican 
party  has  not  met  the  expectations  of  the  wage-earners. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 


EDUCATION  AND  THE   LABORING  MAN 

Education  has  increased  the  efficiency  of  the  laborer, 
and,  therefore,  his  earning  power;  it  has  enlarged  his 
capabilities,  and,  therefore,  his  independence.  The 
man  whose  mental  discipline  is,  such  that  he  can 
easily  adjust  himself  to  any  occupation  which  offers 
an  opening  has  a  great  advantage  over  one  who  has 
nothing  but  muscle  to  offer.  Those  who  have  dealt 
with  the  Oriental  laborer  comment  upon  his  lack  of 
initiative.  He  does  what  he  is  told  to  do  and  does  it 
as  he  is  directed;  but  if  anything  happens  in  the  ab- 
sence of  the  overseer  the  laborer  is  lost  for  he  does 
not  know  how  to  meet  an  emergency  or  to  devise  a  new 
method  on  the  spur  of  the  moment. 

Education  also  enables  a  man  to  present  with  intel- 
ligence his  claims  for  proper  treatment.  In  any  group 
of  men  who  have  a  grievance  to  state,  the  men  who 
can  state  the  grievance  clearly  and  forcibly  naturally 
become  the  leaders,  and  so  an  improvement  in  the 


220  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

average  condition  of  the  man  follows  closely  upon  his 
intellectual  improvement. 

Education  furnishes  the  companionship  of  books 
and  tends  to  raise  the  standard  of  social  intercourse. 
No  matter  how  favorable  the  influences  of  government 
or  the  social  environment  may  be,  much  depends  upon 
the  habits  of  the  individual ;  and  education,  by  supply- 
ing a  higher  form  of  enjoyment,  lessens  the  conviv- 
iality that  wastes  time  and  money  as  well  as  impairs 
the  strength.  Intelligence  and  morals  are  not  insep- 
arable companions,  but  one  is  apt  to  promote  the  other. 
It  would  be  a  reflection  on  the  dispensations  of 
Providence  to  doubt  that  the  proper  development  of 
the  body,  the  mind  or  the  heart  w'ould,  for  any  nat- 
ural reason,  retard  the  development  of  the  others.  The 
thing  to  be  desired  is  the  harmonious  development  of 
the  threefold  man,  and  the  performance  of  our  duty 
in  respect  to  the  care  of  one  part  of  our  being  throws 
light  upon  our  duty  in  respect  to  the  care  of  the 
other  parts.  [From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner.] 

GOVERNMENT  BY  INJUNCTION 

While  what  is  generally  known  as  government  by 
injunction  is  at  present  directed  chiefly  against  the 
employes  of  corporations,  when  there  is  a  disagree- 
ment between  them  and  their  employer,  it  involyes  a 
principle  which  concerns  everyone.  The  purpose  of 
the  injunction  in  such  cases  is  to  substitute  trial  by 
judge  for  trial  by  jury,  and  is  a  covert  blow  at  the  jury 
system.  The  abolition  of  government  by  injunction 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  221 

is  as  necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  reputation  of 
the  court,  as  it  is  for  the  security  of  the  citizen.  Black- 
stone,  in  defending  trial  by  jury,  says: 

"The  impartial  administration  of  justice,  which  se- 
cures both  our  persons  and  our  properties,  is  the  great 
end  of  civil  society,  but  if  that  be  entrusted  entirely 
to  the  magistracy,  a  select  body  of  men,  and  those 
generally  selected  by  the  prince  or  such  as  enjoy  the 
highest  offices  in  the  State,  their  decisions,  in  spite  of 
their  natural  integrity,  will  have  frequently  an  invol- 
untary bias  toward  those  of  their  own  rank  and  dignity. 
It  is  not  to  be  expected  from  human  nature  that  the 
few  should  be  always  attentive  to  the  interests  and 
good  of  the  many." 

If  the  criminal  laws  are  not  sufficient  for  the  pro- 
tection of  property,  they  can  be  made  more  severe, 
but  a  citizen  charged  with  crime  must  have  his  case 
tried  before  a  jury  of  his  peers.  [Letter  of  acceptance, 
1900. 


Should  the  accused  be  given  the  right  of  trial  by 
jury  when  the  contempt  charged  is  committed  out- 
side of  the  presence  of  the  court?  The  writ  of  injunc- 
tion has  been  employed  a  few  times  against  the  trusts, 
but  it  has  been  employed  out  of  consideration  for  the 
trusts.  The  trusts  themselves  have  preferred  the  in- 
junction to  the  criminal  process.  The  injunction, 
however,  has  been  employed  against  the  laboring  men, 
not  out  of  consideration  for  them,  but  in  order  to 
deny  to  them  the  right  of  trial  by  jury.  No  one  de- 


222  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

fends  the  commission  of  crime  by  laboring  men,  but 
it  is  not  defending  a  crime  to  say  that  one  charged 
with  a  crime  should  be  entitled  to  trial  by  jury.  It 
is  not  necessary  that  one  should  indorse  the  use  of  the 
injunction  in  labor  troubles  in  order  to  say  that  he 
is  a  friend  of  law  and  order.  Law  can  be  preserved 
and  order  enforced  wilhout  surrendering  the  protec- 
tion afforded  by  jury  trial,  and  the  claim  of  the  labor- 
ing men  to  this  protection  is  a  just  claim  and  one  that 
should  have  been  recognized  long  ago.  [From  an  edi- 
torial in  The  Commoner.] 


gaitlte 


THE    PLAN    OUTLINED 

The  plan  of  the  guaranteed  bank  is  simply  this: 
Statistics  show  the  average  loss  to  depositors  to  be  very 
small,  taking  all  the  banks  together.  But  the  de- 
positors are  afraid  because  they  do  not  know  much 
about  the  affairs  of  any  particular  bank.  The  post- 
master general,  in  recommending  the  postal  savings 
banks,  called  attention  to  the  fact  that  a  large  sum  of 
money  is  sent  back  to  the  government  banks  of  Eu- 
rope by  people  who  are  afraid  to  trust  the  private 
banks  here  and  Mr.  Wanamaker  has  been  quoted  as 
saying  that  a  large  sum  is  kept  in  hoarding  and  hid- 
ing places  in  this  country. 

If  this  sum  can  be  drawn  into  the  banks  and  thus 
be  put  into  channels  of  trade  it  will  relieve  the 
stringency  more  effectively  than  anything  else.  The 
postal  bank  will  do  this  to  a  limited  extent,  but  not 
completely,  for  in  the  plan  proposed  the  depositors 
will  be  limited  as  to  each  person,  and  there  will  be  no 
checking  account  allowed. 

The  system  of  the  guaranteed  banks  contemplates  the 
absolute  guarantee  by  the  government  of  such  banks  as 
may  voluntarily  enter  into  the  system.  In  entering 
the  system  they  agree  to  reimburse  the  government  in 

223 


224  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

proportion  to  their  deposits  for  any  losses  incurred  by 
the  government  in  payment  of  depositors  in  failed 
banks.  During  the  last  forty  years  the  average  loss 
among  national  banks  has  been  less  than  one-tenth  of 
one  per  cent  of  deposits,  and,  as  we  have  passed 
through  two  panics  in  that  time,  it  is  not  likely  that 
the  average  loss  will  be  greater  during  the  next  forty 
years. 

The  government  by  its  guarantee  makes  the  bank 
deposits  equivalent  to  government  bonds,  and  yet  it 
assumes  no  real  risk  because  it  has  the  capital,  the 
stock,  the  surplus  and  the  additional  liability  of  the 
stockholders  of  the  guaranteed  banks  as  its  security. 
[From  an  editorial  in  The  Commoner,  December 
IS,  1907.1 


The  only  objection  that  13  likely  to  be  made  is  that 
state  banks  might  be  less  attractive  to  depositors  if  na- 
tional banks  are  guaranteed,  but  there  are  two  answers 
to  this  objection.  In  the  first  place,  state  banks  are 
likely  to  suffer  if  this  financial  stringency  continues, 
and  they  are  therefore  interested  in  restoring  confi- 
dence. In  the  second  place,  there  is  no  reason  why 
state  banks  should  not  be  protected  by  a  similar  sys- 
tem under  which  the  state  would  guarantee  depositors 
in  state  banks  and  collect  the  expenses  from  the  state 
banks  guaranteed. 

Mr.  Bryan  proposed  when  in  congress  the  raising  of 
a  guarantee  fund  for  the  protection  of  depositors,  but 
the  bill  was  defeated  by  the  larger  banks  on  the  ground 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  225 

that  the  big  banks  would  have  no  advantage  over  the 
little  ones  if  all  depositors  were  secured,  but  now  that 
the  big  banks  are  suffering  as  much  as  the  little  ones 
the  objection  will  hardly  be  made.  The  plan  then 
proposed  would  furnish  protection  as  far  as  the  fund 
would  furnish  it,  but  it  would  take  time  to  raise  such 
a  fund,  and  it  is  better  for  the  government  to  make 
the  security  absolute  by  becoming  guarantor,  for  this 
system  can  be  put  into  operation  at  once  and  that,  too, 
without  expense  to  the  government,  inasmuch  as  the 
banks  would  reimburse  the  government  from  time  to 
time  in  case  the  government  was  called  upon  to  pay 
the  deposits  of  any  failed  bank.  [From  an  editorial 
in  The  Commoner,  Nov.  29,  1907.] 


"MAKE  ALL  BANKS  EQUALLY  GOOD" 

Hamilton,  0.,  February  20. — Mr.  James  B.  Forgan, 
First  National  Bank,  Chicago,  Illinois:  Dear  Sir: 
Being  absent  from  home,  I  have  not  yet  received  the 
letter  which  you  addressed  to  me  at  Lincoln,  Neb., 
but  having  read  it  in  the  Chicago  Record-Herald,  I 
hasten  to  reply. 

The  language  which  I  attributed  to  you,  I  quoted 
word  for  word  from  one  of  the  Chicago  papers.  I 
have  no  way  of  ascertaining  just  now  from  which 
paper  I  quoted  it,  but  that  is  immaterial,  for  I  am  per- 
fectly willing  to  accept  your  correction,  and  to  argue 
the  proposition  upon  the  language  which  you  use  in 
your  letter. 

You  were  quoted  by  one  of  the  papers  as  saying 


226  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

that  the  guarantee  of  deposits  "would  make  all  banks 
safe,"  whereas  what  you  really  said  was  that  it  would 
"make  all  banks  equally  good."  I  accept  the  correc- 
tion, although  the  distinction  which  you  draw  is,  I 
think,  a  very  fine  one.  But  desiring  to  do  you  full 
justice,  I  will  hereafter  be  careful  to  use  your  exact 
language  and  not  trust  to  paraphrasing  even  when 
the  paraphrase  closely  follows  your  language. 

You  object  to  the  government's  guarantee  because  it 
puts  all  banks  on  an  equality  and  makes  all  banks 
equally  good,  and  you  object  to  it  for  two  reasons: 
First,  because  it  would  deprive  banks  like  your  own 
of  the  advantage  which  they  have  won  by  "conserva- 
tism and  good  management."  You  intimate  that  it  is 
not  selfish  for  you  to  defend  yourself  and  your  bank 
against  a  policy  that  would  "despoil"  you  or  it  "of 
vested  rights  and  property,"  and  are  willing  to  admit 
your  selfishness  if  that  can  be  considered  selfish. 

Let  me  make  the  charge  so  directly  that  there  can 
be  no  question  about  what  I  mean.  I  charge  that  you 
put  the  interests  of  your  stockholders  above  the  in- 
terests of  your  depositors  and  that  you  put  the  interests 
of  the  big  bank  above  the  interests  of  the  various  com- 
munities and  of  the  public  at  large.  You  admit  this 
when  you  insist  that  the  guarantee  of  all  banks  would 
deprive  your  stockholders  of  a  value  which  has  come 
from  wise  management. 

Let  me  remind  you  that  that  which  you  regard  as 
"good  will"  is  largely  an  advantage  created  by  law. 
The  good  -will  which  you  measure  in  dollars  and  cents 
is  not  entirely  due  to  good  management.  It  is  due, 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  227 

in  the  first  place,  to  the  fact  that  you  are  a  National 
bank,  and  you  are  a  national  bank  because  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people  enacted  a  law  that  permitted 
you  to  organize  as  a  national  bank.  It  is  due  in  part 
to  the  fact  that  national  banks  are  inspected  and  regu- 
lated by  law,  and  these  laws  are  made  by  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  people.  It  is  due  in  part  to  the  fact 
that  many  people  believe  that  deposits  in  national 
banks  are  in  some  way  guaranteed  by  the  government 
as  the  bank  note  is.  The  people  who  deposit  money 
in  your  bank  do  not,  as  a  rule,  know  anything  about 
the  management  of  the  bank.  They  do  not  know  any- 
thing about  your  methods  of  doing  business.  They 
do  not  know  whether  the  directors  are  using  the  de- 
posits for  their  own  enterprises  or  carefully  guarding 
them.  They  do  not  know  any  more  about  the  in- 
terior workings  of  your  bank  than  they  did  about  Mr. 
Walsh's  bank  or  than  they  knew  about  other  banks 
that  have  failed.  They  take  it  for  granted  that  your 
bank  is  safe  because  they  trust  the  government  and 
have  confidence  in  the  regulation,  restriction  and  in- 
spection of  banks.  If  you  had  rented  a  room  and 
announced  that  James  B.  Forgan  would  accept  money 
on  deposit  and  carry  on  business  as  a  private  banker 
without  any  regulation  or  restriction  as  to  the  manner 
of  conducting  the  business,  you  might  have  claimed 
credit  for  such  reputation  and  standing  as  you  might 
have  been  able  to  acquire.  But  you  did  not  do  that. 
You  associated  yourself  with  a  bank  whose  prestige 
and  reputation  depend  more  upon  the  law  and  upon 


228  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

the  presumption  given  by  the  people  to  the  law,  than 
upon  superior  care  or  management. 

When  the  laws  were  made,  the  law  makers  thought 
they  had  provided  for  the  security  of  depositors,  and 
it  is  not  only  unfair  in  you  to  count  as  entirely  per- 
sonal to  yourself  or  your  directors,  the  confidence 
shown  by  the  public  in  your  bank,  but  it  is  selfish  to 
insist  that  the  people  have  no  right  to  obtain  further 
security,  even  if,  as  a  result  of  that,  your  bank  loses 
some  of  the  advantages  which  it  now  has  over  smaller 
banks.  The  bank  exists  for  the  benefit  of  the  people. 
It  is  a  mistake  to  assume  that  the  people  exist  for 
the  benefit  of  the  bank.  The  laws  regulating  banking 
are  made  for  the  depositors  rather  than  for  the  stock- 
holders, because  the  stockholders  are  able  to  protect 
themselves,  while  the  depositors  are  helpless. 

The  law  requires  that  a  certain  percentage  of  the 
deposits  shall  be  kept  as  a  reserve — why?  For  the 
benefit  of  depositors.  The  law  provides  that  not  more 
than  ten  per  cent  of  the  capital  and  surplus  shall  be 
loaned  to  one  person — why?  For  the  protection  of 
depositors.  Every  law  passed  for  the  protection  of 
depositors  tends  to  equalize  the  banks,  and  you  can 
make  just  as  sound  an  argument  in  favor  of  the  repeal 
of  all  restrictions  as  you  can  make  against  the  guar- 
antee of  deposits.  The  fundamental  difficulty  is  that 
you  look  at  the  question  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
banker  and  not  from  the  standpoint  of  the 
depositor,  and  you  insist  that  the  depositor  shall  be 
left  unsecured  in  order  that  your  bank  may  have  an 
advantage  over  smaller  banks. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  229 

What  security  do  you  give  your  depositors  that 
other  banks  do  not  give  their  depositors?  Is  it  that 
the  officers  of  your  bank  are  better  men?  They  may 
die,  and  inferior  men  take  their  places.  Is  it  because 
your  directors  are  better  than  other  directors?  The 
board  of  directors  may  change.  Is  it  because  your 
stockholders  are  better  than  others?  Your  stock  is 
sold  on  the  market  and  a  change  may  take  place  any 
day  in  the  ownership  of  the  stock,  that  will  entirely 
change  the  character  of  the  bank,  and  if  such  change 
takes  place,  who  will  know  it?  Will  not  the  new 
directors  and  the  new  officers  claim  to  be  conservative? 
When  a  bank  fails,  the  public  finds  out  for  the  first 
time  what  has  been  going  on  behind  the  counter. 

All  banks  are  "conservatively"  managed  until  they 
fail,  and  then  they  take  their  place  among  "recklessly" 
managed  banks.  As  a  matter  of  fact  nearly  all  banks 
are  managed  well  enough  to  protect  depositors  from 
loss  but  the  trouble  is  that  the  depositors  have  no 
way  of  knowing  with  certainty  which  are  good  and 
which  are  bad.  If  the  depositors  could  know  just 
what  banks  are  safe,  and  what  unsafe,  they  might 
not  need  the  protection  of  the  law,  but  they  do  not 
know  this  until  too  late. 

In  the  recent  stringency,  the  banks  all  over  the 
country  felt  themselves  justified  in  suspending  pay- 
ment upon  checks,  and  for  the  first  time  in  our  his- 
tory the  depositor  was  told  how  much  of  his  own 
money  he  would  be  allowed  to  draw  out  for  the  carry- 
ing on  of  his  business.  Why  was  this  extraordinary 
step  necessary?  Because  the  banks  throughout  the 


230  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

country  had  deposited  a  part  of  their  reserves  in  New 
York  and  other  reserve  cities,  and  could  not  withdraw 
them.  Each  bank  feared  a  run  if  it  permitted  the 
withdrawal  of  deposits,  and  why  would  depositors 
want  to  withdraw?  Because  they  were  afraid  of  losing 
their  deposits,  if  they  did  not  withdraw.  You  will  re- 
member that  the  big  banks  were  not  any  better  than 
the  little  ones  in  that  crisis,  and  as  a  result  of  the 
stringency  that  followed,  immense  loss  was  suffered 
by  men  who  had  deposited  money  in  the  banks  with 
the  firm  belief  that  they  could  withdraw  the  money 
at  will. 

I  answer  your  first  argument,  therefore,  by  saying, 
that  you  overestimate  the  personal  element  in  the 
prestige  that  you  enjoy  and  underestimate  the  advan- 
tage that  you  derive  from  the  law;  and,  second,  that 
our  laws  should  be  made  for  the  benefit  of  all  the 
people  and  not  for  the  benefit  of  a  few  of  the  people. 
The  number  of  those  who  deposit  in  the  banks  is 
larger  than  the  number  of  stockholders,  and  you  must 
not  forget  that  widows  and  orphans  are  depositors  in 
banks  as  well  as  purchasers  of  bank  stock.  While  I 
can  admire  the  interest  which  you  feel  in  the  widows 
and  orphans  who  are  stockholders,  I  must  remind 
you  that  the  widows  and  orphans  who  deposit  money 
in  banks  are  also  entitled  to  consideration.  It  is  su- 
premely selfish  in  you  to  forget  the  interests  of  the 
larger  number  of  depositors  who  make  banking  profit- 
able. Banking  would  not  be  very  advantageous  if 
you  only  loaned  the  money  of  the  stockholders.  The 
real  profit  of  banking  comes  from  the  loan  of  de- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  231 

positors'  money  and  it  is  a  little  heartless  in  you  to 
look  at  the  question  entirely  from  the  standpoint  of 
those  who  get  the  benefit  of  the  deposits.  The  law 
considers  the  welfare  of  those  who  make  the  deposits 
and  it  is  unfortunate  that  those  in  charge  of  the  banks 
do  not  always  take  a  view  of  the  situation  broad 
enough  to  include  the  interests  of  depositors. 

Your  second  argument  is,  that  the  guarantee  of  de- 
posits would  lead  to  reckless  banking  and  that  the 
business  communities  would  protest  against  the  guar- 
antee system  on  the  ground  that  it  would  make  all 
banks  insecure  and  drive  the  better  class  of  people 
out  of  the  banking  business. 

That,  of  course,  is  a  prophecy,  and  a  prophecy  is 
more  difficult  to  answer  than  an  argument  based  upon 
history.  In  so  far  as  experience  teaches  anything,  it 
teaches  just  the  contrary.  A  guarantee  law  has  been 
passed  in  Oklahoma,  and  the  result  is  that  the  bank- 
ers of  southern  Kansas  have  joined  with  the  depositors 
in  asking  for  a  special  session  of  the  legislature  in 
Kansas  to  consider  a  guarantee  system,  and  they  have 
done  so  because  they  fear  that  deposits  will  be  with- 
drawn from  Kansas  and  carried  into  Oklahoma,  In 
my  home  city,  a  vote  was  taken  in  the  Commercial 
club,  which  is  composed  of  business  and  professional 
men,  and  the  vote  stood  about  ten  to  one  in  favor  of 
the  guaranteed  bank.  And  since  you  refer  to  the 
silver  question,  I  beg  to  inform  you  that  the  men  who 
voted  ten  to  one  in  favor  of  the  guaranteed  bank, 
voted  about  three  to  one  against  the  restoration  of 
bimetallism.  Instead  of  driving  men  out  of  the  bank- 


232  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

ing  business,  the  Oklahoma  law  has  led  a  number  of 
national  bankers  to  take  steps  toward  changing  their 
banks  into  state  banks  in  order  to  take  advantage  of 
the  state  law,  in  case  national  banks  are  not  allowed 
to  enter  the  system.  If  national  banks  are  not  per- 
mitted to  avail  themselves  of  state  guarantee  systems, 
the  state  banks  are  likely  to  gain  an  advantage  over 
the  national  banks,  and  the  national  bankers  under- 
stand this. 

When  I  tried  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  bill  in  Ne- 
braska, providing  a  guarantee  fund  for  state  banks, 
it  was  opposed  by  the  national  banks  on  the  ground 
that  people  would  remove  their  deposits  from  the  na- 
tional banks  to  the  state  banks,  if  the  state  banks  were 
made  absolutely  secure;  and  it  is  to  avoid  injustice 
to  either  class  of  banks,  that  I  have  urged  that  national 
banks  should  be  permitted  to  take  advantage  of  guar- 
antee systems  established  in  the  states  and  that  state 
banks  should  be  permitted  to  take  advantage  of  any 
guarantee  system  established  by  congress. 

The  guarantee  of  deposits  will  not  produce  reckless- 
ness in  management.  You  are  selected  by  the  stock- 
holders, not  by  the  depositors.  You  will  endeavor  to 
manage  your  bank  in  the  interest  of  the  stockholders, 
and  your  argument  shows  that  you  consider  their  in- 
terests as  paramount.  Under  a  guaranteed  system  of 
banks,  you  would  still  be  responsible  to  your  stock- 
holders. They  would  lose  all  that  they  have  and  be 
subjected  to  the  100  per  cent  liability  in  addition, 
before  other  banks  could  lose  anything  on  account  of 
your  bank's  failure.  "Would  this  not  be  sufficient  to 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  233 

make  you  careful?  And  if  your  regard  for  your  stock- 
holders would  make  you  careful,  why  would  not  other 
bank  officials  be  made  careful  by  their  regard  for  their 
stockholders?  The  guarantee  of  deposits  does  not  re- 
lieve the  stockholders  of  responsibility — neither  does 
it  relieve  the  director  or  the  officer  of  care.  The  guar- 
antee of  deposits  simply  means  that  the  depositors  who 
have  no  choice  in  the  selection  of  officers  shall  not  be 
held  responsible  because  of  mismanagement  by  officers. 

Do  you  think  we  could  improve  the  character  of 
our  bankers  by  repealing  all  laws  providing  for  regu- 
lation and  inspection  ?  If  not,  why  do  you  think  it 
would  lower  the  character  of  bank  officials  to  increase 
the  security  of  depositors? 

Your  indictment  against  banking  is  more  severe 
than  I  have  ever  brought — more  severe  than  is  brought 
by  depositors  generally.  You  are  not  willing  to  trust 
other  banks  to  the  extent  of  helping  to  pay  their  de- 
positors, although  it  could  be  but  a  small  tax  upon 
your  bank,  and  yet  you  expect  depositors  to  trust 
the  banks,  even  though  the  depositors  may  lose  all 
that  they  put  into  the  banks.  If  bankers  will  not  trust 
each  other,  they  ought  not  be  surprised  at  some 
timidity  among  depositors. 

The  fact  is,  that  the  country  is  suffering  today  from 
lack  of  confidence  in  banks  more  than  from  any  other 
cause.  The  money  can  not  be  drawn  from  hiding 
and  hoarding  unless  the  depositors  are  assured  of  the 
safety  of  the  banks.  The  amount  of  the  tax  on  each 
bank  would  be  little  compared  with  the  benefit  which 
it  would  receive  from,  its  share  of  the  increased  de- 


234  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

posits,  and  as  for  making  banks  unsafe,  the  guarantee 
system  will  insure  safer  banking. 

Nearly  every  bank  failure  is  due  to  the  appropria- 
tion of  the  money  by  the  directors  or  officers.  In  dis- 
cussing this  question  in  New  York  recently,  I  put  the 
question  to  ex-secretary  Gage  and  to  Mr.  Baker,  the 
president  of  the  National  Bank  of  New  York,  and  they 
admitted  in  the  presence  of  a  company  of  some  eight 
hundred  that  almost  all  bank  failures  are  traceable 
to  the  misconduct  of  directors.  They  also  admitted 
that  the  law  ought  to  make  it  a  criminal  offense  for 
a  bank  official  to  loan  more  than  one-tenth  of  the 
capital  or  surplus  to  one  person. 

Why  have  we  not  been  able  to  secure  better  regula- 
tion of  banks  ?  The  answer  is  simple.  The  bad  banks 
don't  want  any  regulation  and  the  good  banks  prefer 
to  make  a  business  advantage  out  of  the  recklessness 
of  other  banks.  When  banks  become  mutually  re- 
sponsible for  each  other's  depositors,  it  will  be  easier 
to  secure  the  proper  regulation  of  the  banks. 

The  financiers  of  the  country  have  had  their  way 
for  a  generation,  and  they  have  not  used  their  influ- 
ence to  protect  depositors.  They  have  failed  so  com- 
pletely that  the  postmaster  general  has  recommended 
the  postal  savings  bank  for  the  security  of  savings. 
Millions  of  dollars  are  sent  out  of  this  country  every 
year  to  be  deposited  in  the  government  banks  of  Europe 
because  of  distrust  of  our  banks,  and  the  guaranteed 
bank  is  'being  advocated  as  a  means  of  protecting  de- 
positors. 

Those  who  preside  over  the  big  banks  have  not  been 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  235 

as  interested  as  they  ought  to  have  been  in  the  general 
public.  They  have  been  satisfied  to  raise  their  own 
bank  stock  to  a  premium,  by  pointing  out  the  inse- 
curity of  deposits  in  smaller  banks,  and  they  object  to 
having  this  advantage  removed.  The  big  bank  has 
two  advantages  over  the  small  bank  even  when  the  de- 
positors are  made  secure.  In  the  first  place,  a  big 
bank  can  loan  more  to  one  person  than  a  small  bank 
can  and  is  thus  able  to  draw  the  business  of  the  larger 
merchant.  This  is  an  advantage  that  the  big  bank 
will  still  have.  A  bank  with  a  capital  of  a  million 
and  a  surplus  of  a  million  can  loan  two  hundred  thou- 
sand dollars  to  one  individual,  while  a  bank  with  a 
capital  of  a  hundred  thousand  and  a  surplus  of  a 
hundred  thousand,  can  only  loan  twenty  thousand 
dollars  to  one  person. 

There  is  also  a  prestige  in  the  big  bank  that  busi- 
ness men  understand.  There  is  a  certain  vanity  to 
which  the  big  bank  appeals.  The  depositor  has  the 
advantage  of  business  acquaintance  and  business  con- 
nection with  the  big  bank.  He  can  refer  to  it  when 
his  business  standing  is  asked,  and  this  advantage  the 
big  bank  will  still  have.  Why  should  it  ask  for  an 
advantage  based  upon  the  insecurity  of  all  depositors 
and  the  insecurity  of  all  communities?  Why  not 
"make  all  banks  equally  good"  so  far  as  the  depositor 
is  concerned?  Why  not  protect  all  widows  and  all 
orphans  from  danger  of  loss  to  their  deposits?  Why 
not  protect  all  business  men  from  the  danger  of  hav- 
ing payment  on  their  checks  suspended?  Why  not 
protect  all  communities  from  the  embarrassment  that 


236  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

follows  a  bank  failure?  Why  not  protect  banks  from 
runs  and  withdrawals  based  upon  timidity  and  fear? 
Why  not  make  banks  so  secure  that  people  will  de- 
posit all  their  money  in  the  banks  instead  of  putting 
some  of  it  away  under  carpets?  The  amount  of  money 
that  will  be  drawn  from  hoarding  and  hiding  by  the 
guarantee  of  bank  deposits  will  give  us  a  larger  cir- 
culation than  can  be  secured  through  frantic  calls 
upon  the  government  for  its  surplus  funds.  When 
the  banks  were  in  distress,  they  did  not  hesitate  to  call 
upon  the  government  for  the  use  of  the  people's  money 
and  that  money  was  loaned  to  them  without  interest 
to  the  extent  of  nearly  two  hundred  and  fifty  million 
dollars.  This  money  was  raised  by  taxation  upon  all 
the  people  and  while  the  people's  money  was  being 
loaned  to  the  banks  to  tide  them  over  a  stringency, 
the  people  themselves  were  afraid  to  deposit  their 
money  in  the  banks  and  many  of  them  were  with- 
drawing their  money  from  the  banks. 

It  all  depends  upon  the  point  of  view.  If  legislation 
is  to  have  for  its  object  the  welfare  of  the  whole  people, 
then  the  guaranteed  bank  ought  to  come  and  come 
to  stay.  If,  however,  legislation  is  to  have  for  its  object 
the  securing  of  privileges  to  a  few  of  the  community 
at  the  expense  of  the  rest  of  the  community,  your 
argument  is  sound. 

I  believe  that  it  would  be  perfectly  safe  for  the  fed- 
eral government  to  guarantee  deposits  in  the  national 
banks,  collecting  from  all  the  banks  in  proportion  to 
deposits  the  amount  that  it  would  have  to  pay  out  to 
the  depositors  of  banks  that  fail,  and  I  believe  that  it 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  237 

would  be  safe  for  states  to  adopt  a  similar  system  to 
guarantee  the  depositor  in  state  banks.  In  that  case, 
the  government  would  have  back  of  it  the  assets  of 
all  the  banks.  Experience  shows  that  the  loss  has  been 
less  than  one-tenth  of  one  per  cent  in  the  case  of 
national  banks  during  the  last  forty  years,  and  it 
ought  to  be  even  less  than  that  with  the  better  regu- 
lation that  would  come  with  a  guaranteed  system.  But 
if  objection  is  made  to  an  absolute  guaranty  by  the 
government,  the  same  end  can  be  reached  by  the  sys- 
tem adopted  in  Oklahoma  whereby  the  banking  board 
collects  a  guarantee  fund  and  is  then  empowered  to 
make  such  further  assessments  as  may  be  necessary  to 
restore  the  fund  in  case  money  is  drawn  from  it  to 
pay  the  depositors  of  a  failed  bank.  This  puts  all  of 
the  banks  behind  each  bank,  without  involving  the 
government  in  a  direct  guarantee. 

I  thank  you  for  your  letter.  Your  position  in  the 
banking  world  is  so  prominent  that  I  can  assume  that 
you  have  said  all  that  can  be  said  in  opposition  to  the 
guaranteed  bank,  and  when  you  fail  so  completely  to 
make  out  a  case  and  show  so  conclusively  that  you 
take  a  one-sided  view  of  the  subject  and  ignore  the  wel- 
fare of  depositors  and  of  the  country  at  large,  I  need 
not  expect  that  any  stronger  arguments  will  be  pre- 
sented by  anyone  else.  I  think  your  letter  will  make 
an  excellent  campaign  document  because  it  shows  that 
the  depositors  must  look  out  for  their  own  interests 
and  secure  legislation  for  their  own  protection. 

This  letter,  like  yours,  is  intended  for  the  public  as 
well  as  for  the  one  to  whom  it  is  addressed,  and  I 


238  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

shall,  therefore,  give  it  to  the  press  without  waiting 
for  it  to  reach  you  and  I  shall  take  pleasure  in  print- 
ing your  letter  in  full  in  The  Commoner,  that  the 
readers  of  my  paper  may  have  the  benefit  of  your  views. 

Very  truly  yours, 

W.  J.  BRYAN. 

[From   The   Commoner.] 


WALL  STREET  AND  THE  TREASURY 

Those  who  demand  the  divorcement  of  the  treasury 
department  from  Wall  street  are  not  the  enemies  of 
private  property ;  they  simply  insist  that  public  prop- 
erty should  not  be  taken  for  private  purposes,  and  that 
the  functions  of  government  should  not  Become  an 
asset  in  private  "business.  It  ought  not  to  be  consid- 
ered heresy  to  say  that  the  government  should  be 
administered  by  the  people  in  their  own  behalf.  It 
ought  not  to  subject  one  to  criticism  to  declare  that 
the  financial  system  of  the  government  should  be  made 
to  subserve  the  interests  of  the  whole  people  and  not 
be  used  to  advance  the  interests  of  a  few.  Legislation 
can  produce  a  drouth  of  money  as  surely  as  the  sun, 
when  rain  is  withheld,  can  produce  a  drouth  in  the 
fields,  and  scarcity  of  money  is  as  sure  to  increase  the 
purchasing  power  of  the  dollar  as  scarcity  of  a  cereal 
is  sure  to  raise  the  price  per  bushel.  Those  who  insist 
that  the  dollar  should  be  made  as  stable  as  possible  in 
its  purchasing  power  are  not  the  enemies  of  property; 
they  simply  protest  against  allowing  the  standard  of 
value  to  be  juggled  with  in  the  interest  of  the  money- 
changer and  the  holder  of  fixed  investments. 

Those  who  desire  to  have  the  taxes  limited  to  the 

239 


240  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

needs  of  the  government  and,  when  collected,  kept  in 
the  treasury,  are  not  guilty  of  doing  injustice  to  the 
banks.  They  are  simply  advocating  a  system  which 
denies  to  the  banks  a  valuable  and  unearned  privilege 
which,  when  bestowed,  arrays  the  banks  against  the 
rest  of  the  people,  for  if  the  banks  can  make  a  profit 
out  of  the  government  deposits  they  are  pecuniarily 
interested  in  keeping  the  surplus  large  while  the  rest 
of  the  people  are  interested  in  keeping  the  surplus 
small. 

In  like  manner  it  can  be  shown  that  those  who  op- 
pose banks  of  issue  are  not  open  to  the  criticism  that 
they  are  attacking  property  interests,  for  there  is  no 
more  reason  why  a  bank  should  draw  interest  upon 
bonds  and  at  the  same  time  have  the  use  of  the  face 
value  of  the  bonds  in  bank  notes,  than  that  any  other 
bondholder  should  keep  his  money  and  at  the  same 
time  draw  interest  upon  it  as  if  loaned  to  the  govern- 
ment, and  there  is  no  good  reason  why  this  particular 
form  of  security  should  be  singled  out  and  made  pofit- 
able  to  the  holder,  while  other  forms  of  security, 
equally  good,  are  discriminated  against.  [From  an 
article  published  in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post  in 
1905. ] 

AN   ATTRIBUTE   OF   SOVEREIGNTY 

No  person  or  corporation  has  a  natural  right  to  issue 
money.  It  is  "an  attribute  of  sovereignty,"  and  the 
banks  can  no  more  demand  as  a  right  the  power  to 
supply  a  currency  for  the  people  than  they  can  de- 
mand the  right  to  enact  laws  for  the  general  govern- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  241 

ment  of  the  people.  I  truet  I  shall  not  offend,  anyone 
when  I  say  that  banks  are  not  eleemosynary  or  philan- 
thropic institutions.  They  have  their  place  in  society 
and,  when  they  conduct  themselves  properly,  contrib- 
ute to  the  welfare  of  society  just  as  every  good  citizen 
contributes  to  the  welfare  of  society  by  his  services. 
The  business  of  loaning  and  discounting  is  not  nec- 
essarily connected  with  issuing  money,  and  if  the 
banks  join  to  their  legitimate  business  the  issue  of 
paper  which  is  to  pass  as  money,  we  may  rest  assured 
that  they  will  do  it  for  the  profit  there  is  in  it.  [From, 
speech  delivered  in  House  of  Representatives,  June  5, 
1894..} 

ASSET  CURRENCY 

There  is  such  a  similarity  between  the  editorials  in 
the  city  dailies  demanding  an  asset  currency  as  to 
suggest  that  the  editorials  are  written  in  response  to 
a  suggestion  from  the  money  centers.  The  big  finan- 
ciers have  either  brought  on  the  present  stringency  to 
compel  the  government  to  authorize  an  asset  currency 
or  they  have  promptly  taken  advantage  of  the  panic 
to  urge  the  scheme  which  they  have  had  in  mind  for 
years.  Several  years  ago  Secretary  Shaw  stated  that 
we  must  either  have  a  perpetual  debt  or  the  bank  notes 
would  have  "some  other  basis."  The  "some  other 
basis"  referred  to  is  the  asset  basis.  When  it  became 
apparent  that  the  public  would  not  tolerate  an  asset 
currency,  the  financiers  asked  for  an  emergency  cur- 
rency based  on  assets.  This  was  only  a  subterfuge  and 
the  republican  leaders  were  afraid  to  press  it  at  the 


242  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

last  session.  Now  it  is  to  be  brought  forward  as  if  it 
were  a  new  remedy,  just  thought  of  as  a  panic  cure. 
It  is  a  panic  breeder  instead  of  a  panacea ;  it  would  ag- 
gravate rather  than  relieve  the  situation.  It  would 
increase  the  bank's  liabilities  just  at  a  time  when  de- 
positors are  fearful  that  the  bank  cannot  meet  present 
liabilities.  The  need  of  elasticity  has  been  very  much 
exaggerated;  if  banks  would  prepare  in  advance  for 
"moving  crops"  and  for  such  other  future  demands  as 
may  be  reasonably  expected  they  would  not  be  con- 
fronted by  so  many  "emergencies."  The  trouble  is 
that  they  loan  to  the  limit  in  ordinary  times  and  there- 
fore have  no  reserve  available  for  the  unusual  demands. 
Another  trouble  is  that  the  banks  are  encouraged  to 
keep  a  large  part  of  their  reserve  in  reserve  cities  and 
therefore  a  shock  in  any  of  the  big  cities  disturbs  bank- 
ing everywhere.  Just  now  the  country  banks  cannot 
use  their  reserves  because  the  big  city  banks  will  not 
allow  deposits  to  be  withdrawn. 

When  the  same  money  is  counted  over  and  over 
in  the  reserves  of  several  banks,  the  withdrawal  of 
one  thousand  dollars  results  in  shrinkage  of  several 
times  that  sum. 

The  democrats  should  be  on  their  guard  and  resist 
this  concerted  demand  for  an  asset  currency.  It  would 
simply  increase  Wall  Street's  control  over  the  nation's 
finances,  and  that  control  is  tyrannical  enough  now. 
Such  elasticity  as  is  necessary  should  be  controlled  by 
the  government  and  not  by  the  banks.  The  govern- 
ment could  furnish  a  certain  amount  of  elasticity  by 
increasing  and  decreasing  government  deposits  accord- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  243 

ing  to  the  needs  of  business;  or  it  could  provide  for 
the  temporary  issue  of  treasury  notes  on  government 
bonds  whenever  an  holder  of  bonds  is  willing  to  sur- 
render the  interest;  or  it  could  issue  treasury  notes  in 
any  emergency.  But  none  of  these  plans  will  suit  the 
financiers;  they  insist  upon  absolute  control  of  the 
nation's  finances — they  to  reap  the  advantage  while 
the  public  bears  the  burden  and  takes  the  chances. 

But  the  democrats  in  the  senate  and  house  are  in 
duty  bound  to  look  at  the  question  from  the  stand- 
point of  the  people,  and  oppose  the  asset  currency  in 
whatever  form  it  may  appear.  They  may  also  have 
to  oppose  the  great  central  bank,  which  is  a  part  of 
a  scheme  of  the  financiers.  And  they  will  find  that 
the  same  influences  which  are  behind  the  asset  cur- 
rency and  the  central  bank  are  behind  the  president's 
plan  for  national  incorporation  of  railroads.  They 
are  all  a  part  of  plutocracy's  plan  to  increase  its  hold 
upon  the  government. 

What  we  need  just  now  is  not  an  emergency  cur- 
rency but  greater  security  for  depositors.  The  de- 
positors are  scared — unnecessarily  scared  in  most  cases 
— but  scared.  The  government  is  going  to  recommend 
a  postal  savings  bank  but,  according  to  press  dispatches, 
deposits  will  not  be  accepted  in  excess  of  two  hundred 
and  fifty  dollars  from  any  one  person.  This  is  good 
as  far  as  it  goes,  but  it  does  not  go  far  enough.  All 
bank  depositors  should  be  made  to  feel  secure,  and  they 
could  be  made  to  feel  secure  by  a  guaranty  fund  raised 
by  a  small  tax  upon  deposits.  When  depositors  feel 
sure  of  their  money  they  will  not  care  to  withdraw  it, 


244  THE    KEAL   BRYAN 

and  the  money  which  would  be  drawn  from  hiding 
places  would  more  than  repay  the  banks  for  the  small 
tax  necessary. 

The  first  thing  is  to  release  the  public  from  the  grip 
of  Wall  Street  and  then,  when  the  stock  gamblers  have 
to  suffer  for  their  own  sins  instead  of  unloading  them 
on  the  general  public,  we  may  expect  legislation  in 
the  interest  of  the  people  at  large.  [From  an  editorial 
in  The  Commoner.] 


IMPERIALISM 

The  defenders  of  imperialism  or  colonialism  have 
posed  as  the  special  champions  of  commercial  interests 
and  of  property  rights,  and  so  distinguished  a  represent- 
ative of  the  imperialists  as  Senator  Lodge  has  advo- 
cated the  holding  of  the  Philippines  on  the  ground  that 
our  nation  must  look  after  its  pecuniary  interests.  No 
one  who  will  investigate  the  subject  will  doubt  that  the 
persons  benefited  by  imperialism  are  small  in  number 
compared  with  the  persons  whose  property  interests 
are  injured  by  imperialism.  Thousands  pay  taxes  to 
hold  the  Filipinos  in  subjection  where  one  person 
draws  a  dollar's  worth  of  profit  out  of  our  occupation  of 
the  islands.  The  profit  realized  from  trade  with  the 
Filipinos  amounts  to  but  a  small  per  cent  upon  the 
money  that  we  are  expending  there,  and  all  the  people 
spend  the  money  while  but  a  handful  reap  the  benefits. 

The  American  does  not  expect  to  go  to  the  Philippine 
Islands  to  live.  If  all  of  the  Filipinos  were  killed  off, 
the  country  would  not  be  colonized  by  Americans  as 
North  America  was  colonized  by  Europe.  Ahab  had  a 
"far  better  excuse  for  wanting  the  land  of  Naboth  than 
we  have  for  wanting  the  Philippine  Islands.  Naboth's 

245 


246  THE    REAL    BRYAJtf 

land  joined  the  land  of  Ahab  and  the  taking  of  it  en- 
larged the  land  that  he  cultivated,  and  yet  the  Bible 
tells  us  that  Naboth's  right  to  hold  the  land  was  vin- 
dicated. Who  will  vindicate  our  right  to  conquer  the 
Filipinos  in  order  to  hold  land  that  must  be  worked 
through  overseers  and  protected  by  an  alien  govern- 
ment and  an  army?  The  right  of  the  Filipino  to  hold 
his  property  rests  upon  the  same  basis  that  our  right 
to  hold  property  does,  and  we  cannot  ignore  his  prop- 
erty rights  without  endangering  our  own.  [From  an 
article  published  in  the  Saturday  Evening  Post .  in 
1905.} 

While  the  American  people  are  endeavoring  to  ex- 
tend an  unsolicited  sovereignty  over  remote  peoples, 
foreign  financiers  will  be  able  to  complete  the  conquest 
of  our  own  country.  Labor's  protest  against  the  black 
list  and  government  by  injunction  and  its  plea  for 
arbitration,  shorter  hours  and  a  fair  share  of  the  wealth 
which  it  creates,  will  be  drowned  in  noisy  disputes  over 
new  boundary  lines  and  in  the  clash  of  conflicting 
authority. 

Monopoly  can  thrive  in  security  so  long  as  the  in- 
quiry, "Who  will  haul  down  the  flag?"  on  distant 
islands  turns  public  attention  away  from  the  question, 
"Who  will  uproot  the  trusts  at  home?" 

What  will  it  cost  the  people  to  substitute  contests 
over  treaties  for  economic  issues?  What  will  it  cost  the 
people  to  postpone  consideration  of  remedial  legisla-. 
tion  while  the  ship  of  state  tosses  about  in  the  whirl- 
pool of  international  politics? 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  247 

English  rule  in  India  is  bad  not  because  it  is  Eng- 
lish, but  because  no  race  has  yet  appeared  sufficiently 
strong  in  character  to  resist  the  temptations  which 
come  with  irresponsible  power. 

We  may  well  turn  from  the  contemplation  of  an 
imperial  policy  and  its  necessary  vices  to  the  words  of 
Jefferson  in  his  first  inaugural  message:  "Sometimes 
it  is  said  that  man  cannot  be  trusted  with  the  govern- 
ment of  himself.  Can  he,  then,  be  trusted  with  the 
government  of  others?  Or  have  we  found  angels  in  the 
form  of  kings  to  govern  him?  Let  history  answer  this 
question." 

The  alien  may  possess  greater  intelligence  and 
greater  strength,  but  he  lacks  the  sympathy  for,  and 
the  identification  with,  the  people.  We  have  only  to 
recall  the  grievances  enumerated  in  the  Declaration  of 
Independence  to  learn  how  an  ocean  may  dilute  jus- 
tice and  how  the  cry  of  the  oppressed  can  be  silenced 
by  distance.  And  yet  the  inhabitants  of  the  colonies 
were  the  descendants  of  Englishmen — blood  of  their 
blood  and  bone  of  their  bone.  Shall  we  be  more  consid- 
erate of  subjects  farther  away  from  us,  and  differing 
from  us  in  color,  race  and  tongue,  than  the  English 
were  of  their  own  offspring? 

Modest  Jefferson! — he  had  been  Governor,  Ambas- 
sador to  France,  Vice-President  and  President;  he  was 
ripe  in  experience  and  crowned  vrith  honors;  but  this 
modern  lawgiver,  this  immortal  genius,  hesitated  to 
suggest  laws  for  a  people  with  whose  habits,  customs 
and  methods  of  thought  he  was  unfamiliar.  And  yet 
the  imperialists  of  today,  intoxicated  by  a  taste  of  blood, 


248  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

are  rash  enough  to  enter  upon  the  government  of  the 
Filipinos,  confident  of  the  nation's  ability  to  compel 
obedience,  even  if  it  cannot  earn  gratitude  or  win  af- 
fection. Plutarch  said  that  men  entertained  three  sen- 
timents concerning  the  ancient  gods :  They  feared  them 
for  their  strength,  admired  them  for  their  wisdom, 
and  loved  them  for  their  justice.  Jefferson  taught  the 
doctrine  that  governments  should  win  the  love  of  men. 
What  shall  be  the  ambition  of  our  nation,  to  be  loved 
because  it  is  just  or  to  be  feared  because  it  is  strong? 
[From  a  newspaper  article  on  Imperialism.] 


Jefferson  has  been  quoted  in  support  of  imperialism, 
but  our  opponents  must  distinguish  between  imperial- 
ism and  expansion;  they  must  also  distinguish  between 
expansion  in  the  western  hemisphere  and  an  expansion 
that  involves  us  in  the  quarrels  of  Europe  and  the 
Orient.  They  must  still  further  distinguish  between 
expansion  which  secures  contiguous  territory  for  future 
settlement,  and  expansion  which  secures  us  alien  races 
for  future  subjugation. 

Jefferson  favored  the  annexation  of  necessary  con- 
tiguous territory  on  the  North  American  continent,  but 
he  was  opposed  to  wars  of  conquest  and  expressly  con- 
demned the  acquiring  of  remote  territory.  [Interview 
at  Savannah,  Ga.,  December  13,  1898.] 


While  our  plans  should  be  unselfish,  they  would 
probably  prove  profitable  in  the  end,  for  friends  are 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  249 

better  customers  than  enemies,  and  our  trade  is  apt  to 
develop  in  proportion  as  we  teach  the  natives  to  live 
as  we  do.  When  Solomon  came  to  the  throne,  instead 
of  choosing  riches  or  long  life,  he  asked  for  wisdom 
that  he  might  govern  his  people  aright,  and  he  received 
not  only  wisdom,  but  the  riches  and  the  length  of  days 
which  he  had  regarded  as  less  important.  May  we  not 
expect  a  similar  reward  if  we  choose  the  better  part 
and  put  the  welfare  of  the  natives  above  our  own  gain  ? 

After  all,  the  test  question  is,  have  we  "faith  in  the 
wisdom  of  doing  right?"  Are  we  willing  to  trust  the 
conscience  and  moral  sense  of  those  whom  de  desire  to 
aid? 

Individuals  have  put  Christianity  to  the  test  and  have 
convinced  themselves  that  benevolence,  unarmed,  is 
mightier  than  selfishness  equipped  with  sword  and  mail, 
but  nations  have  as  yet  seldom  ventured  to  embody  the 
spirit  of  the  Nazarene  in  their  foreign  policy.  Is  it 
not  an  opportune  time  for  our  nation  to  make  the 
trial?  Our  President  has  recently  been  hailed  as  a 
peace-maker  because  he  took  the  initiative  in  terminat- 
ing a  great  war,  but  this  involved  no  sacrifice  upon  our 
part.  May  we  not  win  a  greater  victory  by  proving 
our  disinterested  concern  for  the  welfare  of  a  people 
separated  from  us  not  only  by  vast  waters  but  by  race, 
by  language  and  by  color? 

Carlyle  in  concluding  his  history  of  the  French 
Revolution  declared  that  thought  is  stronger  than  ar- 
tillery parks  and  that  back  of  every  great  thought  is 
love.  This  is  a  lofty  platform,  but  net  too  lofty  for 
the  United  States  of  America. 


250  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

We  have  more  at  stake  in  this  matter  than  have  the 
Filipinos.  They  still  have  their  national  greatness  to 
achieve ;  our  position  is  already  established.  We  have 
the  greatest  republic  known  to  history ;  we  are  the  fore- 
most champion  of  the  doctrine  of  self-government  and 
one  of  the  leading  exponents  of  Christianity.  We  can 
afford,  aye  our  honor  requires  us,  to  be  candid  with  the 
Filipinos  and  to  take  them  into  our  confidence.  We 
dare  not  make  them  victims  of  commercial  greed  or 
use  their  islands  for  purely  selfish  purposes.  It  is  high 
time  to  announce  a  purpose  that  shall  be  righteous  and 
to  carry  out  that  purpose  by  means  that  shall  be  hon- 
orable. [From  letter  on  Philippines.] 


Awake,  0  ancient  Law-Giver,  awake!  Break  forth 
from  thine  unmarked  sepulchre  and  speed  thee  back 
to  cloud-crowned  Sinai;  commune  once  more  with  the 
God  of  our  fathers  and  proclaim  again  the  words  en- 
graven upon  the  tables  of  stone — the  law  that  was,  the 
law  that  is  today — the  lawr  that  neither  individual  nor 
nation  can  violate  with  impunity.  [From  speech  de- 
livered at  Chicago,  III.,  January  7,  1899. 


Other  nations  may  dream  of  wars  of  conquest  and  of 
distant  dependencies  governed  by  external  force;  not 
so  with  the  United  States.  The  fruits  of  imperialism, 
be  they  bitter  or  sweet,  must  be  left  to  the  subjects  of 
monarchy.  This  is  the  one  tree  of  which  the  citizens 
of  a  republic  may  not  partake.  It  is  the  voice  of  the 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  251 

serpent,  not  the  voice  of  God,  that  bids  us  eat.     [From 
a  speech  delivered  in  Denver,  January  17,  1899.} 


COLONIALISM 

Our  nation  has  lost  prestige  rather  than  gained  it 
by  our  experiment  in  colonialism.  We  have  given  the 
monarchist  a  chance  to  ridicule  our  Declaration  of  In- 
dependence and  the  scoffer  has  twitted  us  with  incon- 
sistency. A  tour  through  the  Philippine  Islands  has 
deepened  the  conviction  that  we  should  lose  no  time  in 
announcing  our  purpose  to  deal  with  the  Filipinos  as 
we  dealt  with  the  Cubans.  Every  consideration,  com- 
mercial and  political,  leads  to  this  conclusion.  Such 
ground  as  we  may  need  for  coaling  stations  or  for  a 
naval  base  will  be  gladly  conceded  by  the  Filipinos, 
who  simply  desire  an  opportunity  to  work  out  their 
own  destiny,  inspired  by  our  example  and  aided  by  our 
advice.  Insofar  as  our  efforts  have  been  directed  toward 
the  education  of  the  Filipinos,  we  have  rendered  them 
a  distinct  service,  but  in  educating  them  we  must  recog- 
nize that  we  are  making  colonialism  impossible.  If 
we  intended  to  hold  them  as  subjects  we  would  not  dare 
to  educate  them.  Self-government  with  ultimate  inde- 
pendence must  be  assumed  if  we  contemplate  universal 
education  in  the  Philippines.  [From  Madison  Square 
Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 

SELF-GOVERNMENT 

Those  who  question  the  capacity  of  the  Filipinos  for 
self-government  overlook  the  stimulating  influence  of 


252  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

self-government  upon  the  people;  they  forget  that  re- 
sponsibility is  an  educating  influence  and  that  patriot- 
ism raises  up  persons  fitted  for  the  work  that  needs  to 
be  done.  Those  who  speak  contemptuously  of  the  ca- 
pacity of  the  Filipinos,  ignore  the  fact  that  they  were 
fighting  for  self-government  before  the  majority  of  our 
people  knew  where  the  Philippine  Islands  were.  Two 
years  before  our  war  with  Spain,  Rizal  was  put  to  death 
because  of  his  advocacy  of  larger  liberty  for  his  people, 
and  after  witnessing  the  celebration  of  the  ninth  anni- 
versary of  his  death,  I  cannot  doubt  that  his  martyr- 
dom would  be  potent  to  stir  the  hearts  of  coming  gen- 
erations whenever  any  government,  foreign  or  domestic, 
disregarded  the  rights  of  the  people.  [From  letter  on 
Philippines.] 

LIBERTY 

In  commemoration  of  the  fact  that  France  was  our 
ally  in  securing  independence,  the  citizens  of  that  na- 
tion joined  with  the  citizens  of  the  United  States  in 
placing  in  New  York  Harbor  an  heroic  statue  repre- 
senting Liberty  enlightening  the  world.  What  course 
shall  our  nation  pursue?  Send  the  statue  of  Liberty 
back  to  France  and  borrow  from  England  a  statue  of 
William  the  Conqueror?  Or  shall  our  nation  so  act  as 
to  enable  the  American  people  to  join  with  the  Fili- 
pinos in  placing  in  the  harbor  of  Manila  a  statue  of 
Liberty  enlightening  the  Orient?  [Extract  from  a 
speech  delivered  at  Democratic  banquet,  St.  Paul, 
Minn.,  February  14,  1899.] 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  253 

MILITARISM 

Any  unnecessary  increase  in  the  regular  army  is 
open  to  several  objections,  among  which  may  be  men- 
tioned the  following: 

First — It  increases  taxes,  and  thus  does  injustice  to 
those  who  contribute  to  the  support  ef  the  government. 

Second — It  tends  to  place  force  above  reason  in  the 
structure  of  our  government. 

Third — It  lessens  the  nation's  dependence  upon  its 
citizen  soldiery — the  sheet-anchor  of  a  republic's  de- 
fense. 

No  one  objects  to  the  maintenance  of  a  regular  army 
sufficient  in  strength  to  maintain  law  and  order  in  time 
of  peace  and  to  form  the  nucleus  of  such  an  army  as 
may  be  required  when  the  military  establishment  is 
placed  upon  a  war  footing;  but  the  taxpayers  are  justi- 
fied in  entering  a  vigorous  protest  against  excessive  ap- 
propriations for  military  purposes.  [From  a  news- 
paper article  on  Imperialism.] 

CUBANS  AND  FILIPINOS 

Men  may  dare  to  do  in  crowds  what  they  would 
not  dare  to  do  as  individuals,  but  the  moral  character 
of  an  act  is  not  determined  by  the  number  of  those 
who  join  it.  Force  can  defend  a  right,  but  force  has 
never  yet  created  a  right.  If  it  was  true,  as  declared  in 
the  resolution  of  intervention,  that  the  Cubans  "are 
and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent"  (lan- 
guage taken  from  the  Declaration  of  Independence), 
it  is  equally  true  that  Filipinos  "are  and  of  right  ought 


254  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

to  be  free  and  independent."  The  right  of  the  Cubans 
to  freedom  -was  not  based  upon  their  proximity  to  the 
United  States,  ner  upon  the  language  which  they  spoke, 
nor  yet  upon  the  race  or  races  to  which  they  belonged. 
Congress  by  a  practically  unanimous  vote  declared  that 
the  principles  enunciated  at  Philadelphia  in  1776  were 
still  alive  and  applicable  to  the  Cubans.  Who  will 
draw  a  line  between  the  natural  rights  of  the  Cubans 
and  the  Filipinos?  Who  will  say  that  the  former  have 
a  right  to  liberty  and  that  the  latter  have  no  rights 
which  we  are  bound  to  respect?  And,  if  the  Filipinos 
"are  and  of  right  ought  to  be  free  and  independent," 
what  right  have  we  to  force  our  government  upon  them 
without  their  consent?  Before  our  duty  can  be  ascer- 
tained, their  rights  must  be  determined,  and  when 
their  rights  are  once  determined,  it  is  as  much  our 
duty  to  respect  those  rights  as  it  was  the  duty  of  Spain 
to  respect  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Cuba  or  the  duty 
of  England  to  respect  the  rights  of  the  American  col- 
onists. Rights  never  conflict ;  duties  never  clash.  Can 
it  be  our  duty  to  usurp  political  rights  which  belong 
to  others?  Can  it  be  our  duty  to  kill  those  who,  fol- 
lowing the  example  of  our  forefathers,  love  liberty  well 
enough  to  fight  for  it?  [Indianapolis  speech  in  1900 '.] 


"FAT  FRYING" 

The  tariff  question  is  very  closely  allied  to  the  trust 
question,  and  the  reduction  of  the  tariff  furnishes  an 
easy  means  of  limiting  the  extortion  which  the  trusts 
can  practice.  While  absolute  free  trade  would  not 
necessarily  make  a  trust  impossible,  still  it  is  probable 
that  very  few  manufacturing  establishments  would 
dare  to  enter  into  a  trust  if  the  President  were  em- 
powered to  put  upon  the  free  list  articles  competing 
with  those  controlled  by  a  trust.  While  I  shall  take 
occasion  at  an  early  day  to  consider  the  tariff  question 
more  at  length,  I  can  not  permit  this  opportunity  to 
pass  without  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  principle 
embodied  in  the  protective  tariff  has  been  the  fruitful 
source  of  a  great  deal  of  political  corruption  as  well 
as  the  mother  of  many  of  our  most  iniquitous  trusts. 
It  is  difficult  to  condemn  the  manufacturers  for  unit- 
ing to  take  advantage  of  a  high  tariff  schedule,  when 
the  schedule  is  framed  on  the  theory  that  the  indus- 
tries need  all  the  protection  given  and  it  is  not  likely 
that  the  beneficiaries  of  these  schedules  will  consent 
to  their  reduction  so  long  as  the  public  waits  for  the 
tariff  to  be  reformed  by  its  friends. 

But  one  of  the  worst  features  of  the  tariff,  levied 

255 


256  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

not  for  revenue  but  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  protec- 
tion, is  that  it  fosters  the  idea  that  men  should  use 
their  votes  to  advance  their  own  financial  interests. 
The  manufacturer  has  been  assured  that  it  is  legiti- 
mate for  him  to  vote  for  congressmen  who,  whatever 
their  opinions  on  other  subjects  may  be,  will  legislate 
larger  dividends  into  his  pockets;  sheep  growers  have 
been  encouraged  to  believe  that  they  should  have  no 
higher  aim  in  voting  than  to  raise  the  price  of  wool; 
and  laboring  men  have  been  urged  to  make  their  wages 
their  only  concern. 

For  a  generation  the  "fat"  has  been  fried  out  of  the 
manufacturers  by  the  republican  campaign  commit- 
tee, and  then  the  manufacturers  have  been  reimbursed 
by  legislation.  With  the  public  conscience  educated 
to  believe  that  this  open  purchase  of  legislation  was  en- 
tirely proper,  no  wonder  that  insurance  companies 
have  used  the  money  of  their  policyholders  to  carry 
elections — no  wonder  that  trusts  have  hastened  to  pur- 
chase immunity  from  punishment  with  liberal  dona- 
tions! How  can  we  draw  a  moral  distinction  between 
the  man  who  sells  his  vote  for  five  dollars  on  election 
day  and  the  manufacturer  who  sells  his  political  in- 
fluence for  fifty  or  a  hundred  thousand  dollars,  payable 
in  dividends?  How  can  we  draw  a  moral  line  between 
the  senator  or  congressman  elected  by  the  trusts  to 
prevent  hostile  legislation  and  the  senator  or  congress- 
man kept  in  congress  by  the  manufacturers  to  secure 
friendly  legislation?  The  party  that  justifies  the  one 
form  of  bribery  can  not  be  relied  upon  to  condemn  the 
other. 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  257 

There  never  was  a  time  when  tariff  reform  could 
be  more  easily  entered  upon,  for  the  manufacturers  by 
selling  abroad  cheaper  than  at  home,  as  many  of  them 
do,  have  not  only  shown  their  ingratitude  toward 
those  who  built  the  tariff  wall  for  them,  but  they  have 
demonstrated  their  ability  to  sell  in  competition  with 
the  world.  The  high  tariff  has  long  been  a  burden  to 
the  consumers  in  the  United  States  and  it  is  growing 
more  and  more  a  menace  to  our  foreign  commerce  be- 
cause it  arouses  resentment  and  provokes  retaliation. 
[From  Madison  Square  Garden,  New  York, 
August  30,  1906.} 


TWO   ARGUMENTS 

Now,  there  are  two  arguments  which  I  have  never 
heard  advanced  in  favor  of  protection;  but  they  are 
the  best  arguments.  They  admit  a  fact  and  justify  it, 
and  I  think  that  is  the  best  way  to  argue,  if  you  have 
a  fact  to  meet.  Why  not  say  to  the  farmer,  "Yes,  of 
course  you  lose,  but  does  not  the  Bible  say,  'It  is  more 
blessed  to  give  than  to  receive' — (laughter) — and  if 
you  suffer  some  inconvenience,  just  look  back  over 
your  life  and  you  will  find  that  your  happiest  mo- 
ments were  enjoyed  when  you  were  giving  something 
to  somebody,  and  the  most  unpleasant  moments  were 
when  you  were  receiving."  These  manufacturers  are 
self-sacrificing.  They  are  willing  to  take  the  lesser  part, 
and  the  more  unpleasant  business  of  receiving,  and 
leave  to  you  the  greater  joy  of  giving.  (Loud  laughter 
and  applause  on  the  democratic  side.) 


258  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

Why  do  you  not  take  the  other  theory,  which  is 
borne  out  by  history — that  all  nations  which  have 
grown  strong,  powerful  and  influential,  just  as  indi- 
viduals have  done  it,  through  hardship,  toil  and  sac- 
rifice, and  that  after  they  have  become  wealthy  they 
have  been  enervated,  they  have  gone  to  decay  through 
the  enjoyment  of  luxury,  and  that  the  great  advantage 
of  the  protective  system  is  that  it  goes  around  among 
the  people  and  gathers  up  their  surplus  earnings  so 
that  they  will  not  be  enervated  or  weakened,  so  that 
no  legacy  of  evil  will  be  left  to  their  children.  Their 
surplus  earnings  are  collected  up,  and  the  great  mass 
of  our  people  are  left  strong,  robust  and  hearty.  These 
earnings  are  garnered  and  put  into  the  hands  of  just 
as  few  people  as  possible,  so  that  the  injury  will  be 
limited  in  extent.  (Great  laughter  and  applause  on 
the  democratic  side.)  And  they  say,  "Yes,  of  course, 
of  course;  it  makes  dudes  of  our  sons,  and  it  does, 
perhaps,  compel  us  to  buy  foreign  titles  for  our  daugh- 
ters (laughter),  but  of  course  if  the  great  body  of  the 
people  are  benefited,  as  good,  patriotic  citizens  we 
ought  not  to  refuse  to  bear  the  burden."  (Laughter.) 

"Why  do  they  not  do  that?  They  simply  come  to 
you  and  tell  you  that  they  want  a  high  tariff  to  make 
low  prices,  so  that  the  manufacturer  will  be  able  to  pay 
large  wages  to  his  employes.  (Laughter.)  And  then, 
they  want  a  high  tariff  on  agricultural  products,  so 
that  they  will  have  to  buy  what  they  buy  at  the  high- 
est possible  price.  They  tell  you  that  a  tariff  on  wool 
is  for  the  benefit  of  the  farmer,  and  goes  into  his 
pocket,  but  that  the  tariff  on  manufactured  products 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  259 

goes  into  the  farmer's  pockets,  too,  "and  really  hurts 
us,  but  we  will  stand  it  if  we  must."  They  are  much 
like  a  certain  maiden  lady  of  uncertain  age,  who  said, 
"This  being  the  third  time  that  my  beau  has  called, 
he  might  make  some  affectionate  demonstration ;"  and, 
summing  up  all  her  courage,  she  added,  "I  have  made 
up  my  mind  that  if  he  does  I  will  bear  it  with  forti- 
tude." (Great  laughter  and  applause.)  [From 
•speech  delivered  in  House  of  Representatives  March 
16,  1892.'] 

THE  GREAT   HOME  INDUSTRY 

When  some  young  man  selects  a  young  woman  who 
is  willing  to  trust  her  future  to  his  strong  right  arm,  and 
they  start  to  build  a  little  home,  that  home  which  is 
the  unit  of  society  and  upon  which  our  government 
and  our  prosperity  must  rest — when  they  start  to 
build  this  little  home,  and  the  man  who  sells  the 
lumber  reaches  out  his  hand  to  collect  a  tariff  upon 
that;  the  man  who  sells  paints  and  oils  wants  a  tariff 
upon  them;  the  man  who  furnishes  the  carpets,  table- 
cloths, knives,  forks,  dishes,  furniture,  spoons,  every- 
thing that  enters  into  the  construction  and  operation 
of  that  home — when  all  these  hands,  I  say,  are 
stretched  out  from  every  direction  to  lay  their  blight- 
ing weight  upon  that  cottage,  and  the  democratic  party 
says,  "Hands  off,  and  let  that  home  industry  live," 
it  is  protecting  the  grandest  home  industry  that  this 
or  any  other  nation  ever  had.  (Loud  applause  on  the 
democratic  side.) 

And  I  am  willing  that  you,  our  friends  on  the  other 


260  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

side,  shall  have  what  consolation  you  may  gain  from 
the  protection  of  those  "home  industries"  which  have 
crowned  with  palatial  residences  the  hills  of  New  Eng- 
land, if  you  will  simply  give  us  the  credit  of  being 
the  champions  of  the  homes  of  this  land.  (Applause 
on  the  democratic  side.)  It  would  seem  that  if  any 
appeal  could  find  a  listening  ear  in  this  legislative 
hall  it  ought  to  be  the  appeal  that  comes  up  from 
those  co-tenants  of  earth's  only  paradise;  but  your 
party  has  neglected  them;  more,  it  has  spurned  and 
spit  upon  them.  When  they  asked  for  bread  you  gave 
them  a  stone,  and  when  they  asked  for  a  fish  you  gave 
them  a  serpent.  You  have  laid  upon  them  burdens 
grievous  to  be  borne.  You  have  filled  their  days  with 
toil  and  their  nights  with  anxious  care,  and  when 
they  cried  aloud  for  relief  you  were  deaf  to  their  en- 
treaties. 

It  is  said  that  when  Ulysses  was  approaching  the 
island  of  the  Sirens,  warned  beforehand  of  their 
seductive  notes,  he  put  wax  into  the  ears  of  his  sailors 
and  then  strapped  himself  to  the  mast  of  the  ship,  so 
that,  hearing,  he  could  not  heed.  So  our  friends  upon 
the  other  side  tell  us  that  there  is  depression  in  agri- 
culture, and  a  cry  has  come  up  from  the  people;  but 
the  leaders  of  your  party  have,  as  it  were,  filled  with 
wax  the  ears  of  their  associates,  and  then  have  so  tied 
themselves,  by  promises  made  before  the  election,  to  the 
protected  interests,  that,  hearing,  they  can  not  heed. 
(Applause.)  [From  speech  delivered  in  House  of 
Representatives  March  16,  1892.] 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  261 

BUSINESS  AND  THE  TARIFF 

Senator  Beveridge  is  in  error — inexcusably  in  error 
— in  assuming  that  either  in  the  United  States  or 
throughout  the  world  the  protective  principle  is  firmly 
established;  he  is  in  error — grossly  in  error — when  he 
argues  that  our  trade  can  be  extended  as  much  by 
reciprocity  treaties  as  by  a  general  reduction  of  the 
tariff;  and  he  is  in  error — absurdly  in  error — when  he 
declares  that  the  tariff  question  can  be  taken  out  of 
politics  and  settled  by  a  few  experts.  It  is  evident 
that  the  men  who  have  been  using  the  protective  sys- 
tem to  gather  unto  themselves  an  undue  share  of  the 
annual  production  of  wealth  are  badly  frightened,  for 
nothing  but  fear  would  compel  them  to  advocate  the 
appointment  of  a  commission.  When  they  feel  sure 
of  victory,  even  a  tariff  commission  is  scouted;  and 
when  the  people  at  large  get  ready  to  revise  the  tariff 
— and  they  seem  about  ready — they  will  not  allow  a 
tariff  commission  to  stand  between  them  and  relief. 
[From  article  in  Reader  Magazine.] 

THAT    TARIFF    COMMISSION 

Every  once  in  a  while  we  hear  that  a  tariff  com- 
mission is  going  to  be  appointed.  Let  no  one  be  de- 
ceived. A  tariff  commission  is  only  a  part  of  the  effort 
to  prevent  a  revision  of  the  tariff.  Whenever  the  peo- 
ple get  ready  to  act,  they  are  sagely  informed  that  the 
subject  is  so  intricate  that  it  must  be  submitted  to  a 
commission  of  experts.  The  first  advantage  of  this 
policy  is  that  it  secures  delay.  Instead  of  having 
tariff  reform  at  once,  we  have  the  promise  that  it  may 


262  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

be  reformed  after  awhile.  The  commission  is  usually 
made  up  of  persons  who  are  friends  of  the  tariff  and 
•who  object  to  revision.  They  take  evidence,  and  the 
taking  of  evidence  occupies  time.  This  enables  the 
protected  interest  to  continue  the  collection  of  taxes 
for  an  indefinite  period.  Of  course  the  commission 
must  take  time  for  deliberation  after  the  evidence  is 
all  in,  and  then  it  must  take  more  time  for  the  prep- 
aration of  its  report,  and  if  the  report  can  be  delayed 
until  congress  adjourns,  further  time  must  lapse  be- 
fore the  matter  can  be  taken  up  in  congress.  Then 
the  recommendation  of  the  commission  can  be  used  as 
an  argument  against  any  further  reduction  than  the 
commission  recommends,  and  the  representatives  of 
protected  industry  can  ignore  any  recommendations 
made.  It  does  not  help  either  to  have  the  commission 
made  up  of  both  sides  of  the  question,  for  the  majority 
will  be  on  the  side  of  the  high  tariff,  and  it  is  likely 
to  prolong  the  investigation  to  have  both  sides  taking 
testimony.  When  the  question  finally  comes  before 
congress,  each  representative  and  senator  will  act  upon 
his  own  judgment — or  by  the  mouthpiece  of  the  man- 
ufacturers of  his  district  without  regard  to  the  recom- 
mendations of  the  commission — and  a  tariff  commis- 
sion means  a  delay  of  from  two  to  four  years  in  the 
consideration  of  the  question  without  any  advantage 
whatever  in  the  final  settlement,  and  all  this  time  the 
manufacturers  have  the  benefit  of  the  schedules  against 
which  the  people  complain.  No  wonder  the  tariff 
commission  idea  is  brought  forward  every  time  the 
people  threaten  an  attack  on  the  tariff  wall.  [From 
article  in  Reader  Magazine.] 


"GOOD  AND  BAD"  TRUSTS 

The  first  step  toward  the  discovery  of  a  remedy  for 
the  trusts  is  a  recognition  of  the  fact  that  private 
monopolies  can  not  be  classified  as  good  or  bad,  but 
must  be  regarded  as  "indefensible  and  intolerable." 
Nothing  but  evil  can  come  from  an  attempt  to  draw  a 
line  between  private  monopdlies  "benevolently  man- 
aged" and  others  managed  by  persons  who  are  not 
benevolently  inclined.  Managers  may  die,  resign,  or 
be  removed.  Bad  men  may  be  replaced  by  worse  ones 
or  better  ones,  but  the  position  which  a  trust  occupies 
before  the  law  cannot  be  determined  by  the  virtue  or 
lack  of  virtue  of  those  in  charge.  In  choosing  between 
a  monarchy  and  a  republic,  people  do  not  decide  ac- 
cording to  the  character  of  the  man  who  may  at  the 
time  be  at  the  head  of  the  government.  They  decide 
according  to  the  principles  which  underlie  the  govern- 
ment. 

One  of  the  objections  to  an  attempt  to  classify 
trusts  as  good  or  bad  is  that  arguments  made  in  behalf 
of  so-called  good  trusts  will  be  used  in  behalf  of  bad 
trusts.  But  a  still  greater  objection  is  that  an  attempt 
merely  to  regulate  so-called  good  trusts,  without  at- 

263 


*64  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

tacking  the  principle  of  private  monopoly,  results  in 
the  trusts  getting  hold  of  the  government  and  pro- 
tecting all  trusts.  [From  an  article  written  for  "Pub- 
lic Opinion"  in  1905.} 

RAILROAD   REGULATION 

If  competition  was  free  to  work  in  the  fixing  of  rail- 
road rates,  the  patrons  of  the  road  could  protect  them- 
selves, but  there  is  no  competition  at  all  between  inter- 
mediate points,  and  the  rates  are  often  fixed  by  agree- 
ment at  competing  points.  It  is  as  absurd  to  say  that 
the  patrons  should  depend  upon  the  railroad  managers 
for  justice  in  rates,  as  it  would  be  to  say  that  a  plaintiff 
should  submit  his  case  to  a  jury  made  up  of  de- 
fendants in  the  case.  [From  an  article  published  in 
the  Saturday  Evening  Post  in  1905.'} 

The  republican  party  has  persistently  refused  to 
comply  with  the  urgent  request  of  the  Interstate 
Commerce  Commission,  for  such  an  enlargement  of 
the  scope  of  the  interstate  commerce  law  as  will  en- 
able the  commission  to  realize  the  hopes  aroused  by  its 
creation.  The  democratic  party  is  pledged  to  legis- 
lation which  will  empower  the  commission  to  protect 
individuals  and  communities  from  discrimination, 
and  the  public  at  large  from  unjust  and  unfair  trans- 
poration  rates.  [Letter  of  acceptance,  1900.] 


The  right  of  the  United  States  government  to  regu- 
late interstate   commerce  cannot  be  questioned,   and 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  265 

the  necessity  for  the  vigorous  exercise  of  that  right  is 
becoming  more  and  more  imperative.  The  interests 
of  the  whole  people  require  such  an  enlargement  of 
the  powers  of  the  Interstate  Commerce  Commission  as 
will  enable  it  to  prevent  discrimination  between  per- 
sons and  places,  and  protect  patrons  from  unreason- 
able charges.  [Letter  of  acceptance  in  1896.] 


The  railroad  managers  protest  against  inexperienced 
government  officials  being  given  power  to  fix  railroad 
rates,  but  these  managers  overlook  the  fact  that  in 
reaching  a  decision  the  officials  will  have  the  benefit 
of  the  high-priced  talent  which  the  railroads  employ. 
There  is  no  danger  that  the  railroads  will  fail  to  pre- 
sent to  the  officials  empowered  to  fix  rates  all  the  facts 
necessary  for  the  protection  of  the  railroad's  rights 
and  interests.  In  fact,  when  the  action  of  the  rail- 
road managers  in  regard  to  rates  can  be  reviewed  and 
set  aside  by  officials,  it  is  likely  that  the  rates  will  be 
arranged  with  so  much  more  fairness  than  they  are 
now  that  the  board  will  have  less  to  do  than  now. 
There  is  no  danger  of  injustice  being  done  to  the  rail- 
roads. The  great  danger  is  that  the  railroads .  will 
bring  to  bear  upon  the  officials  such  a  tremendous 
influence  as  to  bias  them  in  favor  of  the  railroads. 
That  is  the  real  danger.  [Commoner  editorial  in 
1905.} 

CORPORATIONS 

The  democratic  party  makes  no  war  upon  honestly 
acquired  wealth;  neither  does  it  seek  to  embarrass 


266  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

corporations  engaged  in  legitimate  business,  but  it  does 
protest  against  corporations  entering  politics  and  at- 
tempting to  assume  control  of  the  instrumentalities  of 
government.  A  corporation  is  not  organized  for  po- 
litical purposes,  and  should  be  compelled  to  confine 
itself  to  the  business  described  in  its  charter.  Honest 
corporations,  engaged  in  an  honest  business,  will  find 
it  to  their  advantage  to  aid  in  the  enactment  of  such 
legislation  as  will  protect  them  from  the  undeserved 
odium  which  will  be  brought  upon  them  by  those 
corporations  which  enter  the  political  arena.  [Letter 
of  acceptance,  1900,] 

TRUSTS 

Before  any  intelligent  action  can  be  taken  against 
the  trusts  we  must  have  a  definition  of  a  trust.  Be- 
cause no  corporation  has  an  absolute  and  complete 
monopoly  of  any  important  product,  the  apologists 
for  the  trusts  sometimes  insist  that  there  are  in  reality 
no  trusts.  Others  insist  that  it  is  impossible  to  legis- 
late against  such  trusts  as  may  exist  without  doing 
injury  to  legitimate  business.  For  the  purposes  of  this 
discussion  it  is  sufficient  to  draw  the  line  at  the  point 
where  competition  ceases  to  be  effective  and  to  desig- 
nate as  a  trust  any  corporation  which  controls  so  much 
of  the  product  of  any  article  that  it  can  fix  the  terms 
and  conditions  of  sale. 

Legislation  which  prevents  monopoly  not  only  does 
not  injure  legitimate  business,  but  actually  protects 
legitimate  business  from  injury.  We  are  indebted  to 
the  younger  Rockefeller  for  an  illustration  which 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  267 

makes  this  distinction  clear.  In  defending  the  trust  sys- 
tem he  is  quoted  as  saying  that  as  the  American  Beauty 
rose  cannot  be  brought  to  perfection  without  pinch- 
ing off  ninety-nine  buds,  so  that  the  one-hundredth 
bud  can  receive  the  full  strength  of  the  bush,  so  great 
industrial  organizations  are  impossible  without  the 
elimination  of  the  smaller  ones.  It  is  a  cruel  illus- 
tration but  it  presents  a  perfectly  accurate  picture  of 
trust  methods.  The  democratic  party  champions  the 
cause  of  the  ninety-nine  enterprises  which  are  men- 
aced; they  must  not  be  sacrificed  that  one  great  com- 
bination may  flourish,  and  when  the  subject  is  un- 
derstood we  shall  receive  the  cordial  support  of  hundreds 
of  thousands  of  business  men  who  have  themselves  felt 
the  oppression  of  the  trusts  or  who,  having  observed  the 
effect  of  the  trusts  upon  others,  realize  that  their  safety 
lies,  not  in  futile  attempts  at  the  restraint  of  trusts, 
but  in  legislation  which  will  make  a  private  monopoly 
impossible. 

There  must  be  no  mistaking  of  the  issue  and  no 
confusing  of  the  line  of  battle.  The  trust,  as  an  in- 
stitution, will  have  few  open  defenders.  The  policy 
of  the  trust  defenders  will  be  to  insist  upon  "reason- 
able regulation"  and  then  they  will  rely  upon. their 
power  to  corrupt  legislatures  and  to  intimidate  ex- 
ecutives to  prevent  the  application  of  any  remedies 
which  will  interfere  with  the  trusts.  Our  motto  must 
be:  "A  private  monopoly  is  indefensible  and  intol- 
erable," and  our  plan  of  attack  must  contemplate  the 
total  and  complete  overthrow  of  the  monopoly  prin- 
ciple in  industry.  We  need  not  quarrel  over  reme- 


268  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

dies.  We  must  show  ourselves  willing  to  support  any 
remedy  and  every  remedy  which  promises  substantial 
advantage  to  the  people  in  their  warfare  against 
monopoly.  Something  is  to  be  expected  from  the  en- 
forcement of  the  criminal  clause  of  the  Sherman  anti- 
trust law,  but  this  law  must  be  enforced  not  against 
a  few  trusts  as  at  present,  but  against  all  trusts,  and 
the  aim  must  be  to  imprison  the  guilty,  not  merely  to 
recover  a  fine.  What  is  a  fine  of  a  thousand  dollars 
or  even  ten  thousand  dollars  to  a  trust  which  makes  a 
hundred  thousand  dollars  while  the  trial  is  in  prog- 
ress? 

If  the  criminal  clause  is  not  going  to  be  enforced 
it  ought  to  be  repealed.  If  imprisonment  is  too  severe 
a  punishment  for  the  eminently  respectable  gentle- 
men who  rob  eighty  millions  of  people  of  hundreds 
of  millions  of  dollars  annually,  the  language  of  the 
statute  ought  to  be  changed,  for  nothing  is  more  cal- 
culated to  breed  anarchy  than  the  failure  to  enforce 
the  law  against  rich  criminals  while  it  is  rigidly  en- 
forced against  petty  offenders.  But  it  is  not  sufficient 
to  enforce  existing  laws.  If  ten  corporations  conspir- 
ing together  in  restraint  of  trade  are  threatened  with 
punishment,  all  they  have  to  do  now  is  to  dissolve 
their  separate  corporations  and  turn  their  property 
over  to  a  new  corporation.  The  new  corporation  can 
proceed  to  do  the  same  thing  that  the  separate  corpo- 
rations attempted,  and  yet  not  violate  the  law.  We 
need,  therefore,  new  legislation  and  the  republican 
party  not  only  fails  to  enact  such  legislation,  but  fails 
even  to  promise  it.  The  democratic  party  must  be 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  269 

prepared  to  propose  legislation   which  will  be  suffi- 
cient. 

Recent  investigations  have  brought  to  light  the  fact 
that  nearly  all  the  crookedness  revealed  in  the  man- 
agement of  our  large  corporations  has  been  due  largely 
to  the  duplication  of  directorates.  A  group  of  men 
organized  or  obtained  control  of  several  corporations 
doing  business  with  each  other  and  then  proceeded 
to  swindle  the  stockholders  of  the  various  corpora- 
tions for  which  they  acted.  No  man  can  serve  two 
masters,  and  the  director  who  attempts  to  do  so .  will 
fail,  no  matter  how  much  money  he  makes  before  his 
failure  is  discovered.  Many  of  the  trusts  control 
prices  by  the  same  methods.  The  same  group  of  men  • 
secure  control  of  several  competing  corporations  and 
the  management  is  thus  consolidated.  It  is  worth 
while  to  consider  whether  a  blow  may  not  be  struck 
at  the  trusts  by  a  law  making  it  illegal  for  the  same 
person  to  act  as  director  or  officer  of  two  corporations 
which  deal  with  each  other  or  are  engaged  in  the  same 
general  business. 

A  still  more  far-reaching  remedy  was  proposed  by 
the  democratic  platform  in  1900,  namely,  the  requir- 
ing of  corporations  to  take  out  a  federal  license  before 
engaging  in  interstate  commerce.  This  remedy  is 
simple,  easily  applied  and  comprehensive.  The  re- 
quiring of  a  license  would  not  embarrass  legitimate 
corporations — it  would  scarcely  inconvenience  them — 
while  it  would  confine  the  predatory  corporations  to 
the  state  of  their  origin.  Just  as  a  federal  license  to 
sell  liquor  leaves  the  possessor  of  the  license  to  sell 


270  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

only  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  the  state  in  which 
he  resides,  so  a  corporate  license  granted  by  a  federal 
commission  would  not  interfere  with  the  right  of  each 
state  to  regulate  foreign  corporations  doing  business 
within  its  borders. 

If  corporations  were  required  to  take  out  a  federal 
license  the  federal  government  could  then  issue  the 
license  upon. the  terms  and  conditions  which  would 
protect  the  public.  A  corporation  differs  from  a  hu- 
man being  in  that  it  has  no  natural  rights,  and  as  all 
of  its  rights  are  derived  from  the  statutes  it  can  be 
limited  or  restrained  according  as  the  public  welfare 
may  require.  The  control  which  congress  has  over 
interstate  commerce  is  complete  and  if  congress  can 
prevent  the  transportation  of  a  lottery  ticket  through 
the  mails,  by  the  express  companies  or  by  freight,  it 
can  certainly  forbid  the  use  of  the  mails,  the  railways 
and  the  telegraph  lines  to  any  corporation  which  is 
(endeavoring  to  monopolize  an  article  of  commerce, 
and  no  party  can  long  be  credited  with  sincerity  if  it 
condemns  the  trusts  with  words  only  and  then  permits 
the  trusts  to  employ  all  the  instrumentalities  of  in- 
terstate commerce  in  the  carrying  out  of  their  ne- 
farious plans.  It  is  far  easier  to  prevent  a  monopoly 
than  to  watch  it  and  punish  it,  and  this  prevention 
can  be  accomplished  in  a  practical  way  by  refusing  a 
license  to  any  corporation  which  controls  more  than  a 
certain  proportion  of  the  total  product — this  propor- 
tion to  be  arbitrarily  fixed  at  a  point  which  will  give 
free  operation  to  competition.  [From  Madison 
Square  Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


THE   REAL   BRYAN  271 

The  democratic  party  is  opposed  to  trusts.  It  would 
be  recreant  to  its  duty  to  the  people  of  the  country  if 
it  recognized  either  the  moral  or  the  legal  right  of 
these  great  aggregations  of  wealth  to  stifle  competi- 
tion, bankrupt  rivals  and  then  prey  upon  society.  Cor- 
porations are  the  creatures  of  law,  and  they  must  not 
be  permitted  to  pass  from  under  the  control  of  the 
power  which  created  them ;  they  are  permitted  to  exist 
upon  the  theory  that  they  advance  the  public  weal, 
and  they  must  not  be  allowed  to  use  their  powers  for 
the  public  injury.  [Letter  of  acceptance  in  1896.] 


Some  defend  trusts  on  the  ground  that  they  are 
an  economic  development  and  that  they  cannot  be 
prevented  without  great  injury  to  our  industrial  sys- 
tem. This  may  be  answered  in  two  ways:  First, 
trusts  are  a  political  development  rather  than  an 
economic  one;  and,  second,  the  trust  system  cannot 
be  permitted  to  continue  even  though  it  did  result  in 
a  net  economic  gain.  It  is  political  because  it  rests 
upon  the  corporation  and  the  corporation  rests  upon  a 
statutory  foundation.  The  trust,  instead  of  being  a 
natural  development,  is  a  form  of  legalized  larceny, 
and  can  exist  only  so  long  as  the  law  permits  it  to 
exist.  That  there  is  an  economic  advantage  in  pro- 
duction on  a  large  scale  may  be  admitted,  but  because 
a  million  yards  of  cloth  can  be  produced  in  one  fac- 
tory at  a  lower  price  per  yard  than  one  hundred  thou- 
sand yards  can  be  produced  in  the  same  factory,  it 
does  not  follow  that  cloth  would  be  produced  at  a  still 


272  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

lower  price  per  yard  if  all  the  cloth  consumed  in  the 
United  States  were  produced  in  one  factory  or  under 
one  management.  There  is  a  point  beyond  which  the 
economic  advantage  of  large  production  ceases.  The 
moment  an  industry  approaches  the  position  of  a 
monopoly  it  begins  to  lose  in  economic  efficiency,  for 
a  monopoly  discourages  invention,  invites  deteriora- 
tion in  quality  and  destroys  a  most  potent  factor  in 
production,  viz. :'  individual  ambition.  But  the  politi- 
cal objections  to  a  trust  overcome  any  economic  ad- 
vantage which  it  can  possibly  have.  No  economic 
advantage  can  justify  an  industrial  despotism  or  com- 
pensate the  nation  for  the  loss  of  independence  among 
its  producers.  Political  liberty  could  not  long  endure 
under  an  industrial  system  which  permitted  a  few 
powerful  magnates  to  control  the  means  of  liveli- 
hood of  the  rest  of  the  people.  [From  Madison  Square 
Garden,  New  York,  speech,  August  30,  1906.] 


And  what  about  trusts?  Are  they  not  indefensible 
and  intolerable?  Ought  not  the  criminal  law  to  be 
enforced  against  trusts  and  trust  magnates?  Should 
not  the  interstate  corporations  be  compelled  to  sell  to 
all  on  the  same  terms?  Should  not  the  law  prevent 
the  duplication  of  directors  among  competing  corpo- 
rations, and  would  not  the  proposed  license  system  put 
an  end  to  private  monopoly?  The  reader  will  notice 
that  this  system  does  not  abridge  the  right  of  the  state 
to  create  corporations  or  to  regulate,  as  it  will,  foreign 
corporations  doing  business  in  the  state — it  is  a  fed- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  273 

era!  remedy  added  to  the  state  remedies.  It  will  also 
be  noticed  that  it  does  not  apply  to  corporations  con- 
trolling less  than  twenty-five  per  cent  of  any  product 
in  which  they  deal;  it  does  not  interfere  with  legiti- 
mate corporations  doing  legitimate  business  but  lays 
its  hand  upon  those  who  reach  out  after  monopoly, 
and  it  absolutely,  prohibits  the  control  of  more  than 
fifty  per  cent  of  the  product.  If  we  had  such  a  law 
now,  every  trust  would  be  broken  up.  It  is  a  simple 
remedy  and  yet  an  effective  one  and  easily  enforced. 
The  platform  points  out  the  distinction  between  the 
natural  man  and  the  artificial  person  called  a  corpo- 
ration and  favors  the  enactment  of  such  laws  as  may 
be  necessary  to  compel  foreign  corporations  to  submit 
their  local  disputes  to  the  courts  of  the  states  in  which 
they  do  business.  This  platform  is  aimed  at  the  cor- 
porations which  drag  their  litigants  into  the  federal 
courts  and  wear  them  out  with  delays  and  expense. 
[From  editorial  in  The  Commoner,  on  Nebraska  plat- 
form of  1906.] 

PRIVATE  MONOPOLY 

A  private  monopoly  has  always  been  an  outlaw. 
No  defense  can  be  made  of  an  industrial  system  in 
which  one,  or  a  few,  men  can  control  for  their  iown 
profit  the  output  or  price  of  any  article  of  merchan- 
dise. Under  such  a  system,  the  consumer  suffers  ex- 
tortion; the  producer  of  raw  material  has  but  one 
purchaser,  and  must  sell  at  the  arbitrary  price  fixed; 
the  laborer  has  but  one  employer,  and  is  powrerless  to 
protest  against  injustice,  either  in  wages  or  in  condi- 


274  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

tions  of  labor;  the  small  stockholder  is  at  the  mercy 
of  the  speculator;  while  the  traveling  salesman  con- 
tributes his  salary  to  the  overgrown  profits  of  the 
trust.  Since  but  a  small  proportion  of  the  people  can 
share  in  the  advantages  secured  by  private  monopoly, 
it  follows  that  the  remainder  of  the  people  are  not 
only  excluded  from  the  benefits,  but  are  the  helpless 
victims  of  every  monopoly  organized.  It  is  difficult 
to  overestimate  the  immediate  injustice  that  may  be 
done,  or  to  calculate  the  ultimate  effect  of  this  in- 
justice upon  the  social  and  political  welfare  of  the 
people. 

Our  platform,  after  suggesting  certain  specific  rem- 
edies, pledges  the  party  to  an  unceasing  warfare 
against  private  monopoly  in  nation,  state  and  city. 
I  heartily  approve  of  this  promise;  if  elected,  it  shall 
be  my  earnest  and  constant  endeavor  to  fulfill  the 
promise  in  letter  and  spirit.  I  shall  select  an  attorney- 
general  who  will,  without  fear  or  favor,  enforce  ex- 
isting laws;  I  shall  recommend  such  additional  legis- 
lation as  may  be  necessary  to  dissolve  every  private 
monopoly  which  does  business  outside  of  the  state  of 
its  origin;  and,  if,  contrary  to  my  belief  and  hope,  a 
constitutional  amendment  is  found  to  be  necessary,  I 
shall  recommend  such  an  amendment  as  will,  without 
impairing  any  of  the  existing  rights  of  the  states,  em- 
power congress  to  protect  the  people  of  all  the  states 
from  injury  at  the  hands  of  individuals  or  corpora- 
tions engaged  in  interstate  commerce.  [Letter  of 
acceptance,  1900.1 


th*  Economic 

The  Economic  club  gave  a  dinner  at  Hotel  Astor, 
New  York,  February  o.  There  were  seven  hundred 
guests,  among  them  many  New  York  bankers  and 
capitalists.  Mr.  Bryan  was  one  of  the  speakers.  Vic- 
tor Morawetz,  Andrew  Carnegie  and  Lyman  J.  Gage, 
former  secretary  of  the  treasury,  preceded  Mr.  Bryan 
on  the  program.  Mr.  Baker,  who  took  part  in  the  dia- 
logue, is  president  of  the  First  National  bank  of  New 
York  City. 

The  Commoner  presents  a  stenographic  report  of  the 
proceedings  beginning  with  Toastmaster  Stetson's  in- 
troduction. 

Following  is  the  stenographic  report : 

Mr.  Stetson :  I  think  that  Mr.  Gage  underestimated 
his  power  as  a  pulpit  orator,  yet  I  do  not  think  he  can 
hold  a  rushlight  in  that  capacity  to  the  next  gentle- 
man, whom  I  regard  as  the  greatest  pulpit  orator  of 
our  day,  Mr.  Bryan.  (Great  and  continuous  applause.) 

Mr.  Bryan:  Mr.  Chairman  and  gentlemen,  I  have 
had  a  number  of  delusions  shattered  here  tonight.  I 
had  understood  that  for  the  last  forty-seven  years  our 
financial  affairs  had  been  in  the  hands  of  men  who  pos- 
sessed all  the  qualities  that  Mr.  Gage  has  suggested  a 
commission  should  possess.  And  now  to  learn  from 

275 


276  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

excellent  American  and  Scottish  authority  that  we  not 
only  have  the  worst  system  in  the  world,  but  worse 
than  he,  with  his  fruitful  imagination,  could  imagine, 
what  shall  I  say  to  my  people  when  I  go  back  home? 
How  shall  I  explain  that  three  conspicuous  financiers 
who  have  given  this  subject  great  thought,  and  who 
know  all  the  intricacies  of  finance,  should  be  agreed 
upon  but  one  proposition,  and  that  is,  that  they  do  not 
know  what  ought  to  be  done.  (Applause  and  laughter.) 

I  am  assured  by  one  of  them  that  that  is  not  a  fair 
statement.  I  will  withdraw  any  statement  that  is  con- 
sidered unfair,  although  it  seems  to  me  that  after  I  have 
traveled  1,500  miles  to  drink  in  wisdom  from  authori- 
tative sources  it  is  a  breach  of  promise,  at  least,  (laugh- 
ter) not  to  give  me  some  information.  And  yet,  as  each 
one  approached  the  important  part  of  the  subject,  he 
concluded  that  we  ought  to  have  a  commission  to  con- 
sider the  matter.  Is  it  not  strange  that  the  commission 
is  always  resorted  to  by  those  who  do  not  care  to  elabo- 
rate before  an  election  a  plan  that  might  not  be  popular 
at  the  election?  (Great  applause.)  Is  it  not  strange 
that  all  of  our  great  financial  programs  are  brought  out 
just  after  the  election,  when  the  people  cannot  sit  in 
judgment  upon  the  subject?  (Applause.) 

The  time  allotted  to  me  is  not  sufficient  to  answer 
all  of  the  financial  fallacies  that  have  been  advanced 
tonight.  I,  the  champion  of  sound  money  (great 
laughter)  have  not  time  to  defend  the  honest  dollar 
from  the  attacks  that  have  been  made  upon  it. 
(Laughter.)  And  as  I  listened  to  those  from  whom 
I  expected  some  clear  specific  remedy,  I  was  reminded 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  277 

of  the  words  of  the  great  apostle,  and  I  do  not  know 
but  I  might  paraphrase  those  words  and  say,  "That 
sound  finance  which  ye  ignorantly  worship,  that  come 
I  to  declare  unto  you."  (Great  laughter  and  applause.) 

When  I  defend  anything  that  we  have  in  finance, 
you  will  not  accuse  me  of  defending  anything  with 
which  I  have  had  any  connection.  These  greenbacks 
that  have  been  described  in  uncomplimentary  language 
were  not  issued  by  me  or  by  my  party.  (Laughter.) 
But  it  seems  to  me  that  it  is  straining  a  point  to  de- 
nounce the  government  for  issuing  346  millions  of 
promises  to  pay,  bearing  no  interest,  when  he  (Ex- 
Secretary  Gage)  does  not  denounce  the  issue  of  700 
millions  of  bank  promises  to  pay,  that  bear  no  interest. 
If  a  bank's  promise  to  pay,  bearing  no  interest,  is  fit 
to  serve  as  money,  why  should  not  a  government's 
promise  to  pay,  bearing  no  interest,  be  fit  to  serve  as 
money? 

I  understand  that  the  subject  tonight  is  the  currency 
question  as  it  presents  itself  at  this  time,  and,  therefore, 
it  is  not  necessary  to  discuss  our  whole  financial  sys- 
tem. I  do  not  want  to  enter  into  the  discussion  of  a 
subject  as  large  as  our  financial  system.  But  I  remind 
you,  that  if  we  follow  the  suggestion  that  nothing  but 
gold  be  considered  good  for  reserves,  then  we  will  either 
have  to  stop  making  deposits  in  the  banks,  or  increase 
our  gold  so  that  we  can  keep  in  the  banks  a  reserve 
large  enough  to  protect  the  banks  in  the  doing  of  their 
business.  (Applause.)  We  have  not  the  gold  in  this 
country  and  we  cannot  get  it  without  drawing  gold 
from  countries  that  need  it.  If  we  draw  the  gold  from 


278  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

other  countries,  and  discard  the  use  of  money  that  serves 
today  in  the  place  of  gold,  then  the  effect  must  be  to 
diminish  prices  in  foreign  countries  and  lessen  their 
ability  to  trade  with  us. 

Today  we  hold  in  our  reserves  not  only  gold,  but 
silver  and  silver  certificates  and  greenbacks.  And  the 
silver  and  silver  certificates  and  greenbacks  amount  to 
946  millions,  600  millions  of  silver  and  346  millions  of 
greenbacks.  We  have  about  1,200  millions  of  gold  in 
the  country;  that  is  the  best  estimate  that  I  have  been 
able  to  get.  Now  if  we  are  going  to  discard,  as  has  been 
suggested,  the  use  of  silver  and  greenbacks,  we  must  go 
somewhere  and  get  946  millions  of  dollars  of  gold,  and 
it  will  not  be  an  easy  matter.  How  can  we  get  it?  I 
will  tell  you  one  way  to  get  it;  make  the  farmer  sell 
his  foreign  export  for  less,  and  lay  upon  him  the 
burden  of  getting  the  money  to  substitute  for  silver  and 
the  greenback.  That  may  please  some,  but  I  am  not 
surprised  that  it  is  not  advanced  seriously  pending  a 
campaign,  for  it  would  not  please  the  producing  masses 
of  this  country.  (Applause.) 

It  is  not  my  business  to  explain  this  panic.  I  have 
not  felt  as  much  of  it  as  some  of  you  have.  In  fact, 
my  connection  with  it  has  not  been  embarrassing. 
(Laughter.)  And  politically  my  connection  with  it 
has  been  anything  but  embarrassing,  for  it  has  at  least 
robbed  the  country  of  the  argument  that  my  party 
was  the  only  party  under  whose  administration  a  panic 
could  come.  (Great  laughter  and  applause.) 

If  I  were  a  financier  and  my  word  was  good  on 
finance,  I  would  say  that  instead  of  locating  the  blame 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  279 

on  too  large  an  issue  of  paper  money,  it  ought  to  be 
located  on  the  issue  of  stocks  and  bonds  that  do  not 
represent  value  or  even  honesty  in  business.  (Great 
applause.)  The  gentleman  (Ex-Secretary  Gage)  did 
me  the  honor  to  quote  something  that  I  said  last  night. 
I  am  glad  that  he  quoted;  I  was  afraid  it  would  not 
get  into  the  papers.  The  fact  that  he  quoted  it  shows 
that  it  appeared  in  print  and  I  am  gratified.  And,  my 
friends,  I  do  not  overstate  it.  In  fact,  knowing  that  I 
was  where  language  was  carefully  examined  I  was 
especially  cautious  as  to  the  use  of  language,  and  I 
shall  not  put  this  government,  which  bought  silver  at 
sixty  cents  and  coined  it  into  a  dollar,  in  the  same  cate- 
gory or  company  with  those  who  floated  the  billions 
of  dollars  of  stocks  and  bonds  that  represented  nothing 
but  the  expectation  that  those  who  issued  them  would, 
unmolested,  reach  their  hands  into  the  pockets  of  the 
people  and  draw  from  them  dividends  to  which  they 
were  not  entitled.  The  government  did  buy  silver 
at  sixty  cents  and  coin  it  into  a  dollar  and  no  man 
who  toojv  the  dollar  ever  lost  one  cent,  and  that  cannot 
be  said  of  the  men  who  took  the  securities  and  suffered 
a  shrinkage  of  one-half.  So  much  for  the  cause  of  the 
panic. 

But,  my  friends,  the  study  of  causes  does  not  help 
us  unless  it  suggests  remedies,  and  it  seems  to  me  it  is 
time  to  suggest  remedies.  I  have  heard  that  elastic 
currency  was  necessary.  I  am  led  to  the  conclusion  to- 
night that  we  have  overestimated  the  need  for  elasticity, 
for  if  we  can  postpone  for  a  year  the  getting  of  that 
elasticity,  merely  because  the  campaign  is  on,  the  need 


280  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

is  not  as  urgent  as  I  had  been  led  to  think.  (Great 
applause  and  laughter.)  I  had  been  losing  sleep  at 
night  (Cries:  You  don't  look  like  it!),  wondering 
how  long  it  would  be  before  we  could  respond  to  the 
urgent  need  for  elastic  currency.  I  had  been  anxious 
that  as  little  time  should  intervene  as  possible,  and 
have  been  much  disturbed  by  the  failure  of  our  ad- 
visers to  agree  upon  some  plan  which  would  at  once 
relieve  the  stringency.  We  have  two  bills  in  congress, 
one  known  as  the  Aldrich  bill  and  one  known  as  the 
Fowler  bill.  The  Aldrich  bill  attempts  to  provide  an 
emergency  currency  by  the  issue  of  bank  notes  upon 
certain  specific  securities  deposited  with  the  govern- 
ment. The  Fowler  bill  contemplates  an  entire  change 
in  our  bank  currency.  It  is  even  more  radical  than  that 
proposed  by  the  Aldrich  bill.  At  present  the  bank 
notes  rest  on  government  bonds  and  I  do  not  think  it 
is  so  absurd,  as  Mr.  Gage  seems  to,  that  the  government 
should  make  its  bonds  the  basis  of  notes,  if  we  are  to 
have  bank  notes,  or  that  the  government  should  guar- 
antee the  notes  that  rest  upon  its  own  bonds.  And  the 
stringency  is  not  now  as  great  as  it  would  have  been  if 
there  had  been  doubt  as  to  the  ability  of  the  banks 
to  redeem  their  notes.  The  best  feature  of  the  bank 
note  is  the  government  guarantee;  when  men  take  it, 
they  do  not  ask  whether  the  bank  is  a  good  one,  they 
take  it  because  the  government  is  back  of  it.  Here  is 
the  difficulty  about  the  emergency  currency  proposed. 
It  must  either  be  a  bank  currency  or  a  government  cur- 
rency, and  those  who  want  a  bank  currency  seem  to 
be  so  determined  that  it  shall  be  a  bank  currency  that 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  281 

they  are  not  willing  that  the  distress  shall  be  relieved 
by  a  government  currency.  In  other  words,  the  prin- 
ciple involved  is  to  them  more  than  the  need  to  be  sup- 
plied. Certainly,  the  emergency  is  not  great  if  it  can 
be  postponed  or  defeated  merely  because  you  have  to 
accept  a  government  note  instead  of  a  bank  note.  The 
first  thing  to  be  considered  is  whether  this  should  be  a 
government  note  or  a  bank  note.  If  I  were  discussing 
the  Aldrich  bill,  there  are  several  features  which  I 
would  criticise,  one  of  them  the  use  of  the  railroad 
bond  as  a  security.  If  I  were  discussing  the  Fowler 
bill,  there  are  a  number  of  features  of  that  bill  that  I 
would  criticise.  The  Aldrich  bill  proposes  a  bank  note 
resting  on  various  kinds  of  bonds,  and  the  Fowler  bill 
proposes  a  bank  note  resting  upon  no  bonds,  but  upon 
the  assets  of  the  banks.  I  prefer  that  the  emergency 
currency  shall  be  a  United  States  note,  and  not  a  bank 
note  at  all.  I  am  not  afraid  to  trust  the  United  States  ; 
am  not  afraid  to  have  its  notes  issued.  And  I  remind 
those  who  are  fond  of  bank  notes,  that  when  gold  and 
silver  went  to  a  premium,  the  banker  did  not  take  the 
trouble  to  go  out  and  find  gold  and  silver.  The  green- 
back was  good  enough  for  him;  he  redeemed  bank 
notes  with  it.  Concede  the  point  that  this  note  shall  be  a 
government  note  and  it  will  be  easy  then  to  agree  upon 
the  security  upon  which  it  shall  be  loaned.  And,  my 
friends,  I  would  not  appreciate  your  courtesy  as  I  do, 
if  I  did  not  speak  to  you  frankly.  I  do  not  live  in 
New  York.  I  am  some  distance  from  New  York,  but 
we  in  the  West  have  had  experience.  How  many  banks 
have  suspended  in  New  York?  How  many  in  Brook- 


282  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

lyn?  Our  experience  teaches  us  that  it  is  better  to 
trust  the  government  than  to  trust  the  financiers  in 
the  control  of  money.  If  any  of  you  think  that  propo- 
sition unsound,  present  the  opposite  proposition  and 
give  the  voters  a  chance  to  express  themselves.  This  is 
a  government  of  eighty  millions  of  people  and  not  a 
government  of  six  thousand  bank  presidents.  No  finan- 
cial system  can  be  expected  to  be  permanent  in  this 
country  that  does  not  have  back  of  it  the  hearty  ap- 
proval of  the  public.  We  are  told  that  this  must  be 
left  to  a  commission  made  up  of  men  who  will  put  their 
patriotism  above  their  party.  Financiers  are  not  the 
only  patriotic  men.  You  can  find  men  in  every  hamlet 
who  put  their  patriotism  above  their  party.  A  few 
people  cannot  settle  these  things  for  the  rest  of  the 
people.  If  you  appoint  your  commission,  the  bill,  when 
it  comes  in,  has  to  be  passed  upon  by  all  the  people 
through  their  representatives  in  congress.  Now,  if 
you  concede  the  point  that  the  government  shall  issue 
the  money  then  it  becomes  a  matter  of  detail.  The 
government  can  meet  the  need  simply  and  quickly, 
and  I  believe  provision  should  be  made  for  the  issue  by 
the  government  of  United  States  notes,  like  our  green- 
backs in  form  and  in  redemption,  and  that  these 
United  States  notes  should  be  loaned  by  the  govern- 
ment upon  sufficient  security  and  at  a  rate  of  interest 
which  will  compel  the  retirement  of  the  notes  when  the 
emergency  is  over.  I  am  not  sure  but  we  could  com- 
bine the  suggestions  made  in  different  bills.  One  sug- 
gests that  bonds  be  deposited,  state,  county  and  munici- 
pal bonds,  and  we  have  between  two  and  three  billions 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  283 

of  them.  They  would  make  a  good  basis.  All  the 
government  needs  is  security,  if  it  is  going  to  loan 
the  money,  and  these  would  make  good  security.  I  do 
not  think  that  railway  or  industrial  bonds  ought  to 
be  used  for  such  security.  Mr.  M.  E.  Ingalls  suggests 
that  the  country  be  divided  into  clearing  house  dis- 
tricts, enough  so  that  there  will  be  a  representation  of 
the  needs  of  different  communities.  He  suggests  that 
these  clearing  houses  might  borrow  from  the  govern- 
ment on  collateral  other  than  bonds.  I  will  go  further 
than  that.  If  we  create  a  district  and  authorize  the 
clearing  house  of  the  district  to  bind  all  the  banks  of 
the  district,  the  government  could  loan  money  to  it 
without  any  specific  security,  for  it  has  back  of  it  all 
the  assets  of  all  the  banks.  And  if  the  loan  was  limited 
to  a  certain  per  cent,  say,  for  instance,  to  twenty  or 
twenty-five  per  cent  of  the  total  capital  and  surplus 
of  the  banks,  there  could  be  no  loss  to  the  government. 
But  there  is  no  difficulty  about  details.  If  we  need 
emergency  currency,  if  elasticity  is  desired,  it  is  possi- 
ble to  provide  it  without  any  change  in  our  monetary 
system.  Without  any  innovations  at  all,  it  is  possible 
to  provide  all  the  elasticity  for  which  anybody  can  show 
a  need.  And  are  we  asking  too  much  when  we  insist 
that  this  shall  be  in  the  control  of  the  government  and 
not  in  the  hands  of  individuals? 

What  we  need,  I  think,  even  more  than  an  increase 
in  our  currency,  is  confidence.  Think  of  it!  (Ap- 
plause.) I  am  now  the  evangel  of  confidence.  I  am 
now  the  "advance  agent"  of  confidence.  If  we  can 
bring  money  from  hiding  and  hoarding  and  get  it 


284  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

into  the  banks,  the  banks  \vill  have  more  money  to 
loan  than  we  can  possibly  furnish  them  by  any  emer- 
gency currency.  What  we  need  today  is  to  restore  con- 
fidence to  the  depositors.  John  Wanamaker  was 
quoted  as  saying — I  cannot  rely  entirely  on  what  the 
newspapers  say — but  he  was  quoted  as  saying  that  a 
billion  dollars  was  hidden  under  carpets.  The  govern- 
ment only  loaned  the  banks  about  250  million  dollars 
and  if  Mr.  Wanamaker  is  right  we  have  four  times  as 
much  in  hiding.  The  postmaster  general,  in  recom- 
mending a  postal  savings  bank,  says  that  we  are  send- 
ing out  many  millions  every  year  to  be  deposited  in  gov- 
ernment banks  in  Europe,  by  people  who  are  not  will- 
ing to  trust  our  banks.  The  people  of  this  country  are 
being  driven  to  the  postal  savings  bank  because  they 
need  a  place  to  deposit  their  money  where  they  can 
get  it  when  they  want  it.  Some  of  you  have  thought 
me  very  anxious  to  enlarge  the  work  of  the  government. 
I  have  never  insisted  that  the  government  should  under- 
take any  business  that  could  be  done  satisfactorily  by 
the  individual.  I  believe  in  individualism;  I  want 
the  individual  to  have  the  largest  possible  sphere  of 
action. 

And  only  where  it  is  impossible  for  the  individual 
to  act,  or  unsafe  for  the  community  that  he  should  act, 
have  I  suggested  that  the  government  should  act.  I 
have  believed  for  years  that  if  the  banks  did  not  allow 
the  banking  to  be  made  safe  they  would  drive  the 
country  to  the  postal  savings  bank.  I  would  rather 
have  the  banking  done  by  the  bankers  than  by  the 
government.  (Applause.)  I  am  in  favor  of  the  postal 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  285 

savings  bank,  but  a  postal  savings  bank  is  only  an  al- 
ternative to  be  selected  if  we  cannot  get  the  security 
that  the  people  demand. 

And  today,  the  greatest  need  we  have  is  legislation 
that  will  make  people  feel  that  when  they  deposit 
money  in  the  banks  they  can  go  and  get  it  whenever 
they  want  it;  the  stringency  that  has  spread  over  this 
country  in  a  night  has  taught  the  people  the  necessity 
for  this  protection. 

They  tell  us  that  the  timidity  which  people  have 
manifested  is  not  justified.  That  is  generally  true. 
I  am  not  prepared  to  speak  for  this  community,  but 
I  am  sure  that  in  the  West  there  is  no  reasonable  excuse 
for  this  timidity.  (Laughter.)  Our  crops  have  been 
bountiful ;  our  prices  have  been  good ;  our  people  have 
money;  they  fill  the  banks  with  their  money,  and 
there  was  so  much  that  they  sent  a  large  part  of  it  down 
here  to  New  York  to  be  invested,  and  they  have  been 
waiting,  waiting,  waiting  for  its  return.  (Laughter.) 
Our  banks  are  good,  and  yet,  my  friends,  when  a  bank 
suspends  payment  on  checks  you  need  not  be  surprised 
if  the  ultra-timid  become  alarmed  and  want  to  get 
their  money  out.  (Laughter.)  If  I  were  a  banker  I 
would  not  be  proud  of  a  system  that  had  to  run  rivalry 
with  a  carpet  as  a  safety  deposit  vault,  and  have  the 
carpet  preferred  in  times  of  stress.  (Laughter.)  A  man 
does  not  hide  money  under  a  carpet  if  he  can  find 
any  safer  place.  (Laughter.)  I  repeat  that  what  we 
need  today  is  to  make  the  bank  safe.'  You  may  laugh 
down  here  in  New  York,  but  in  Oklahoma — you  call  it 
a  wild  western  state — the  first  thing  they  did  was  to 


286  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

pass  a  law  to  guarantee  bank  deposits.  How  did  they 
do  it?  They  authorized  a  banking  board  to  collect  an 
assessment  on  the  17th  of  this  month  of  one  per  cent 
on  the  deposits  of  the  banks.  I  think  it  is  higher  than 
necessary;  one-half  of  one  per  cent  would  have  been 
enough,  one-fourth  of  one  per  cent  would  have  been 
sufficient,  but  they  said  one  per  cent  and  they  em- 
powered the  board  to  assess  at  any  time  and  to  any  ex- 
tent necessary  to  keep  that  reserve  intact.  And  thus 
they  put  behind  every  bank  the  assets  of  all  the  banks. 
In  anticipation  of  the  operation  of  that  law,  the  bank- 
ers of  Kansas  petitioned  their  governor  to  call  a  special 
session  of  the  legislature  to  pass  a  law  like  it  so  as  to 
keep  the  money  from  being  drawn  out  of  Kansas  banks 
and  deposited  in  Oklahoma.  (Great  laughter.) 

And  the  legislature  is  now  in  session.  It  will  enact 
such  a  law.  It  has  been  introduced  in  Illinois.  It  has 
been  introduced  in  Ohio,  and  I  had  the  honor  to  receive 
an  invitation  from  the  republican  legislature  of  Ohio 
to  come  and  address  that  legislature  on  a  guaranteed 
bank.  Possibly,  I  was  invited  because  some  fourteen 
years  ago  I  tried  to  secure  the  enactment  of  such  a  law 
by  congress.  We  had  a  failure  in  our  town  and  many 
poor  people  suffered  the  loss  of  their  savings  and  the 
hardships  visited  upon  our  community  caused  such  a 
cry  of  distress  that  someone  came  to  me — I  wish  I  could 
remember  his  name — and  suggested  a  guarantee  fund, 
and  I  introduced  in  congress  a  bill  that  provided  for 
the  collection  of  a  small  tax  each  year  until  a  guaran- 
tee fund  was  provided.  The  bill  provided  that  when  a 
bank  failed  the  comptroller  should  from  this  fund  pay 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  287 

every  depositor  immediately,  so  that  there  would  be 
no  interruption  of  business  to  the  community  and  no 
loss  to  the  depositor,  and  then  proceed  to  collect  the 
assets  of  the  bank  and  reimburse  the  fund  as  far  as  the 
assets  would  go. 

Now  that  was  some  thirteen  or  fourteen  years  ago. 
What  was  the  objection  raised?  That  if  all  the  banks 
were  good,  the  big  banks  would  not  have  any  advantage 
over  the  little  ones — that  the  depositors  should  all  be 
unsecured  that  the  big  banks  might  have  an  advantage 
over  the  little  banks.  Where  is  the  patriotism  that  we 
have  been  hearing  about  in  our  financiers?  Do  they 
insist  upon  a  system  that  requires  that  the  depositor, 
shall  have  his  interests  jeopardized,  and  that  the  com- 
munity shall  suffer  that  the  big  banks  may  have  an 
advantage  over  the  little  banks? 

I  went  out  to  Nebraska  and  got  that  bill  introduced 
there.  I  thought,  surely,  if  we  cannot  have  it  in  the 
United  States  we  can  have  it  in  Nebraska.  (Laughter.) 
But  when  the  bill  came  up  there  was  a  lobby  of  national 
bankers  to  oppose  it.  "Why,"  they  said,  "if  state 
banks  are  safe,  people  will  not  deposit  in  national 
banks."  (Laughter.)  What  is  the  objection  now? 
Mr.  Forgan,  the  head  of  one  of  the  largest  banks  in 
Chicago,  stated  as  his  objection  that  it  would  make  all 
banks  secure.  (Laughter.)  What  an  objection!  He 
said  that,  under  such  a  system,  you  could  just  step  into 
any  bank  and  deposit  your  money!  That  would  be 
awful!  (Applause.)  I  ask  you  this  question,  my 
friends,  must  we  leave  the  depositor  helpless?  Must 
we  leave  the  community  helpless  rather  than  have  all 


288  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

banks  secure?  What  is  more  important  than  the  se- 
curity of  the  depositor?  Why  not  look  at  this  question 
once  from  the  standpoint  of  eighty  millions  of  people 
who  have  lost  hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars  in  this 
particular  crisis  that  they  never  can  get  back?  Is  that 
not  sufficient  reason  for  a  different  plan,  or  shall  we  sit 
back  and  say,  "No,  it  would  not  do  to  make  all  banks 
secure,  for  then  the  big  banks  would  not  have  any  ad- 
vantage over  the  little  banks."  The  big  bank  will  still 
have  an  advantage  over  the  little  bank.  It  does  not 
need  to  rest  upon  the  insecurity  of  all.  The  fact  that 
it  has  a  large  capital  and  surplus  enables  it  to  loan  more 
to  one  individual  than  the  small  banks  can.  A  bank 
can  only  loan  one-tenth  of  its  capital  and  surplus  to 
one  person,  and  a  bank  that  has  ten  times  the  capital 
and  surplus  of  another  can  accommodate  the  man  who 
wants  to  borrow  large  sums.  Isn't  that  an  advantage? 
And  then  there  is  another  advantage.  It  has  an  ad- 
vantage resting  upon  vanity.  People  like  to  do  busi- 
ness with  the  big  banks;  they  like  to  go  in  and  have 
the  president  of  the  biggest  bank  bow  to  them  and 
smile.  (Laughter.)  Isn't ,  that  some  advantage? 
Wouldn't  that  remain,  even  when  all  banks  were  safe? 
What  is  the  other  objection?  They  say  that,  if  all 
the  banks  are  secure  and  the  depositor  cannot  lose, 
the  banks  will  be  recklessly  managed.  I  am  glad  that 
that  argument  is  made  now,  when  we  have  seen  the  ex- 
treme care  that  is  exercised  under  present  conditions. 
(Laughter  and  applause.)  My  good  friend  here,  Chair- 
man Stetson,  suggested  that  a  difference  as  large  as  an 
ocean  separated  him  from  some  of  the  speakers,  and  I 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  289 

thought  I  could  notice  a  slight  inclination  of  the  head 
in  my  direction.  (Laughter.)  I  wonder  if  there  can 
be  a  large  gulf  between  us  on  this  subject.  The  man- 
ager becomes  careless !  Why,  my  friends,  the  officers 
of  the  bank  are  selected  by  the  directors  and  the  direc- 
tors are  chosen  by  the  stockholders,  and  the  stock- 
holders would  lose  all  of  their  capital,  all  their  sur- 
plus and  then  they  would  have  to  respond  to  the  100 
per  cent  liability  before  any  other  bank  could  lose  any- 
thing; wouldn't  that  be  enough  to  make  the  officers 
careful?  If  that  isn't  enough,  suppose  we  try  the  crim- 
inal law  and  see  if  that  will  make  them  careful.  What 
has  been  the  difficulty  with  our  banks?  Our  finan- 
ciers will  tell  you  that  the  banks  that  have  failed  have 
failed  in  almost  every  instance  because  the  officers  of 
the  bank  have  violated  their  trust  and  used  the  money 
of  other  people  to  advance  their  own  private  interests ! 
Isn't  that  true,  Mr.  Gage? 

Mr.  Gage:    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Bryan:    Isn't  that  true,  Mr.  Baker? 

Mr.  Baker:    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Bryan:  Why  hasn't  it  been  remedied?  Be- 
cause the  managers  of  the  bad  banks  don't  want  to  be 
restrained  and  the  good  bank  isn't  anxious  to  have  the 
other  ones  restrained,  because  the  good  bank  can  point 
to  the  recklessness  of  the  others  and  draw  away  de- 
posits. 

I  am  not  supposed  to  know  anything  about  bank- 
ing, and  yet  these  distinguished  men,  who  have  shed 
lustre  on  the  banking  business,  admit  that  I  have  put 
my  finger  upon  the  sore  place  in  the  banking  system. 


290  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

Now  when  we  make  all  the  banks  responsible  for  each 
bank  then  they  will  be  interested  in  effective  regula- 
tion. We  will  find  them  favoring  legislation  that  will 
protect  the  public  from  a  misappropriation  of  funds. 
We  have  been  asking  for  this  regulation  all  the  time. 
I  introduced  a  bill  in  congress  to  increase  the  penalty 
for  embezzlement  where  the  amount  was  large;  I  sup- 
posed that  I  would  have  unanimous  support.  I  sup- 
posed that  the  stockholders  would  be  glad  to  hold  over 
their  officers  the  danger  of  a  longer  penal  term  if  they 
were  dishonest  and  took  money,  but  I  could  not  get 
that  through.  (Laughter.) 

I  welcome  the  prospect  of  guaranteed  banks  because 
I  think  it  will  enable  us  to  get  some  regulation  that  we 
need.  For  instance,  I  think  it  might  help  us  to  pass 
a  law  to  make  more  than  directory  the  rule  that  a  bank 
shall  not  loan  more  than  one-tenth  of  its  capital  and 
surplus  to  one  person.  A  man  testified  in  the  case  of 
a  Chicago  banker  last  summer  that  that  law  was  merely 
directory;  that  if  an  examiner  found  that  a  bank  was 
loaning  more  than  ten  per  cent  to  one  man,  the  de- 
partment would  send  him  a  formal  letter  calling  his 
attention  to.  it,  and  then  if  he  did  not  correct  it  by  the 
next  examination,  he  might  expect  to  be  forcibly  re- 
minded by  another  courteous  letter.  Is  that  good  bank- 
ing? Is  that  safe  and  sound  finance?  If  one-tenth 
of  the  capital  and  the  surplus  is  all  that  ought  to  be 
loaned  under  our  present  system,  if  it  is  the  judgment 
of  those  who  make  the  law  that  the  loan  shall  not  exceed 
that,  then  I  insist  that  we  ought  to  make  a  criminal 
law,  to  compel  the  officers  to  do  that  which  they  were 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  291 

directed  to  do  by  the  authorities.  (Applause.) 
Wouldn't  that  be  a  good  law,  Mr.  Gage? 

Mr.  Gage :    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Bryan :  Would  not  that  be  a  good  law,  Mr. 
Baker? 

Mr.  Baker:    Yes,  sir. 

Mr.  Bryan:  My  friends,  if  I  keep  on  I  will  be  in 
standing  after  a  while.  (Laughter  and  applause.) 
Now  I  think  there  is  another  thing  that  we  ought  to 
have.  I  think  more  of  the  reserve  ought  to  be  kept  in 
the  bank  and  less  loaned.  Isn't  that  right? 

Voices:    Right  again.     (Laughter  and  applause.) 

If  more  of  the  reserve  is  kept  in  the  bank,  the  bank 
can  be  allowed  to  keep  a  part  of  it  in  bonds  upon 
which  emergency  notes  can  be  borrowed  from  the  gov- 
ernment. It  was  the  deposit  of  western  and  southern 
reserves  in  New  York  that  caused  the  stringency  to 
spread  throughout  the  country.  Now,  i  want  to  remind 
you  that  for  forty-seven  years  our  laws  have  been  made 
by  financiers,  and  yet  we  reach  the  condition  which 
confronts  us  today,  and  eminent  bankers  admit  here  in 
your  presence,  that  I,  a  farmer  from  Nebraska,  can  sug- 
gest changes  that  your  financiers  did  not  think  of,  or 
at  least,  did  not  put  into  law.  (Laughter.)  Why? 

A  Voice:  You  ought  to  be  right  part  of  the  time. 
(Laughter.) 

Mr.  Bryan :  Thanks,  it  is  a  concession  that  I  appre- 
ciate, and  I  wish  I  could  return  the  compliment  by 
saying  that  our  financiers  have  been  right  even  part 
of  the  time.  (Great  applause  and  laughter.) 

Now  there  is  another  safeguard.    I  would  like  to  see 


292  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

a  law  that  would  make  it  a  criminal  offense  for  any 
bank  official  to  become  a  gambler  upon  the  stock  mar- 
ket. Don't  wait  until  he  has  lost  or  committed  suicide, 
but  make  it  criminal  to  begin.  Save  the  man's  life,  and 
his  honor  and  his  family  by  protecting  him  from  the 
temptation. 

I  read,  a  fqw  years  ago,  that  a  bank  official  found 
that  the  market  had  gone  against  him  and  shot  himself ; 
and  another  official  who  was  associat€d  with  him  in 
the  bank  came  in  and  found  him  dead,  and  knowing 
that  he  had  shared  in  the  dead  man's  speculation  he 
shot  himself  and  fell  dead  across  the  body  of  the  other 
man. 

In  Iowa,  not  long  ago,  I  was  told  that  within  a 
radius  of,  I  think  it  was  one  hundred  miles,  ten  bankers 
had  committed  suicide  as  the  result  of  speculation.  It 
would  be  a  mercy  to  these  men  to  protect  them  from 
this  temptation.  The  man  who  has  in  his  keeping  the 
money  of  others  ought  to  be  protected,  as  far  as  the  law 
can  protect  him,  from  the  temptation  to  gamble.  Am 
I  not  right? 

Voices :    You  are ;  you  are. 

Mr.  Bryan:    Again  I  am  right.    (Applause.) 

Now  I  am  afraid  that  I  have  talked  over  my  time. 
(Cries  of  "go  on,  go  on.")  AVhen  you  say  "go  on,  go 
on,"  I  am  reminded  of  a  fellow  down  in  Kentucky 
who  was  making  a  speech.  He  had  to  leave  on  a  cer- 
tain train.  When  he  saw  the  time  was  near  for  his 
train  to  depart,  he  said:  "My  train  will  go  in  a  mo- 
ment now,"  and  they  said,  "go  on,  go  on."  And  he 
talked  until  his  train  had  gone.  Finally  he  stopped  and 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  293 

said:  "You  see,  gentlemen,  that  I  have  been  per- 
suaded by  your  entreaties  to  miss  my  train."  They 
said,  "Why,  we  told  you  to  go  on."  (Laughter  and 
applause.)  I  am  not  sure  just  what  you  may  mean 
by  "go  on."  (Laughter.) 

Now  I  have  said  what  I  have  upon  this  question  be- 
cause I  believe  it  should  be  presented.  It  is  not  neces- 
sary to  wait  until  the  election  is  over  to  find  out  what 
ought  to  be  done.  Take  a  plan  that  appeals  to  the 
common  sense  of  the  average  man  and  you  need  not 
be  afraid  to  present  it  before  election.  The  people  of 
this  country  are  the  most  intelligent  people  in  the 
world.  They  want  to  do  what  is  right.  Some  of  you 
misunderstand  our  people.  (Laughter.)  You  think 
we  are  anarchists.  You  think  we  want  to  injure  the 
country.  I  think  I  am  a  fair  representative  of  the 
average  man  out  in  the  West,  at  least  I  have  been  able 
to  keep  in  touch  with  him  in  spite  of  all  the  news- 
papers. He  and  I  get  along  pretty  well  together.  Why? 
Because  I  have  tried  to  appeal  to  the  hearts  and  con- 
sciences and  judgment  of  these  men.  You  have  said 
that  we  are  arraying  class  against  class.  It  is  false. 

You  have  accused  us  of  disregarding  property 
rights.  That  is  not  true.  The  man  who  defends  hu- 
man rights  is  the  best  defender  of  property  rights. 
(Applause.)  The  man  who  prosecutes  the  wrong- 
doer is  the  best  friend  of  honesty.  (Applause.)  And 
all  that  we  have  asked  is  that  you  view  this  great  ques- 
tion from  the  bottom  and  not  from  the  top. 

There  is  a  theory  that  God  selected  a  few  men  and 
endowed  them  with  greater  wisdom  and  fitness,  and 


294  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

then  put  the  country  in  their  hands.  That  used  to 
be  the  theory.  First,  it  was  the  'king  who  could  do 
no  wrong;  then  it  was  the  aristocracy  that  ruled;  now 
it  is  the  democracy. 

These  men,  whose  deposits  make  your  banking 
profits;  these  men  whose  deposits  are  the  basis  of  your 
fortunes — these  men  ought  to  be  considered — not  only 
their  interests  but  their  opinions.  You  like  to  per- 
suade a  man  that  the  bank  is  a  good  place  to  deposit 
his  money,  and  if  his  judgment  is  good  when  you  are 
trying  to  persuade  him  to  deposit  his  money  in  your 
bank,  trust  his  judgment  a  little  when  he  wants  to 
regulate  the  methods  to  be  employed  by  those  who 
have  charge  of  his  money.  (Applause.)  We  will 
have  to  meet  this  issue  sometime,  and  we  may  as  well 
do  so  frankly  and  boldly  now.  If  our  finances  had 
been  conducted  as  they  ought  to  have  been,  there 
would  have  been  no  stringency  now.  If  you  tell  me 
that  you  need  an  elastic  currency,  I  will  take  your 
word  for  it,  but  if  you  tell  me  that  you  object  to  it 
unless  you  can  hold  both  ends  of  the  elastic,  I  will 
tell  you  that  you  do  not  need  it  as  much  as  you 
thought  you  did.  Trust  the  government,  the  repre- 
sentatives elected  by  the  people.  These  men,  acting 
in  the  open  and  responsible  to  their  constituents,  are 
more  trustworthy  than  those  who  act  behind  closed 
doors,  and  are  responsible  to  no  one  but  themselves. 
I  think  you  will  have  to  consider  the  opinions  of  the 
voters  on  this  question,  whether  you  try  to  settle  it 
now  or  by  a  commission  selected  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  a  bill  that  you  would  not  present  before  the 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  295 

election.  It  must  come  before  the  people  and  you 
might  as  well  take  them  into  your  confidence  first  as 
last, 

If  you  want  this  elastic  currency  let  the  govern- 
ment issue  it  and  control  it,  and  you  will  have  no 
difficulty  about  the  security.  Then  lay  upon  the 
banks  the  responsibility  for  making  the  banks  safe. 
If  the  banks  say  that  they  do  not  want  to  be  held  re- 
sponsible for  other  banks,  my  answer  is  that  if  your 
bankers  will  not  trust  each  other,  they  should  not  ex- 
pect the  people  to  trust  them  with  their  money.  (Ap- 
plause.) 

The  slight  tax  that  this  plan  contemplates  would  be 
more  than  compensated  for  by  the  money  drawn 
from  hiding  that  you  could  then  loan  out  and  on 
which  you  could  charge  interest.  This  is  a  system 
that  protects  the  depositor,  protects  the  community, 
and  gives  the  banks  a  large  advantage  at  a  small  price. 

I  thank  you  for  this  opportunity  to  speak  to  you; 
it  is  the  first  I  have  had.  I  have  been  talking  for 
many  years,  and  this  is  the  most  respectable  crowd 
that  I  have  ever  talked  to  in  my  life — (laughter  and 
applause) — that  is,  measured  by  New  York  standards. 
(Laughter.)  It  is  no  more  respectable,  however,  than 
the  people  among  whom  I  live!  The  man  who  toils 
by  the  day,  who  goes  out  in  the  morning  and  works 
all  day,  who  commences  in  the  spring  and  works  all 
summer,  though  his  hand  be  hard  from  work,  and  his 
clothing  not  of  the  latest  cut — he  is  a  respectable  man, 
and  I  have  been  addressing  respectable  audiences  all 


296  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

over  the  country,  but  this  is  the  most  highly  financial 
audience  that  I  have  yet  addressed.     (Applause.) 

And  if  I  have  exceeded  my  time  limit  and  spoken 
with  an  earnestness  for  which  I  should  apologize,  just 
remember  how  long  I  have  waited  for  the  opportunity, 
and  remember  also  that  I  may  never  have  it  again. 
(Prolonged  applause.) 


The  commandment  "Thou  shalt  not  steal"  presents 
as  clearly  as  it  can  be  presented  a  moral  truth  that 
may  be  classed  among  the  self-evident  truths.  The 
greatest  service  that  one  can  render  a  truth  is  to  state 
it  so  plainly  that  it  can  be  understood.  I  do  not  mean 
that  any  truth  can  be  stated  so  plainly  that  it  will  not 
be  denied  by  those  who  find  it  to  their  interest  to  deny 
it.  I  believe  that  it  was  Lord  Macaulay  who  said  that 
eloquent  and  learned  men  could  be  found  to  dispute 
the  law  of  gravitation  if  any  pecuniary  advantage  were 
to  be  gained  by  it.  What  I  mean  to  say  is,  that  a 
truth  can  be  stated  so  plainly  that  those  who  desire 
to  see  it,  can  see  it,  and  that  when  it  is  seen,  it  needs 
no  defense.  If,  for  instance,  you  may  say  to  a  man 
that  it  is  wrong  to  steal  and  he  replies:  "Qh,  I  don't 
know  about  that,"  don't  argue  with  him,  search  him, 
and  you  will  probably  find  the  reason  in  his  pocket. 

I  have  not  selected  this  subject  with  any  intention 
of  presenting  an  argument  against  stealing.  I  am 
going  to  assume  that  those  who  listen  to  me  agree 
that  the  commandment  should  be  obeyed.  It  is  my 
purpose  rather  to  make  some  applications  of  the  com- 
mandment to  present  conditions,  for  I  am  satisfied 
that  many  are  guilty  without  really  being  conscious 


298  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

of  disobedience  to  the  commandment  or  of  committing 
a  wrong. 

To  steal  or  to  commit  larceny  may  be  defined  as 
the  wrongful  taking  of  another's  property.  Law  writ- 
ers have  divided  larceny  into  two  classes — petit  larceny 
and  grand  larceny — the  former  term  being  used 
when  the  property  stolen  is  of  little  value  and  the 
latter  when  the  value  is  greater.  There  is  a  tendency 
in  modern  times  to  divide  grand  larceny  into  two 
classes,  so  that  now  we  are  inclined  to  think  of  larceny 
as  petit  larceny,  grand  larceny  and  glorious  larceny. 
By  glorious  larceny  I  do  not  refer  to  the  policy  which 
nations  have  indulged  in  of  taking  the  property  of 
other  nations  by  force — an  act  that  is  sometimes  de- 
scribed as  not  only  innocent  but  even  patriotic;  I 
refer  rather  to  that  tendency,  quite  discernible  at  the 
present  day,  to  regard  stealing  upon  a  large  scale  as 
less  reprehensible  than  stealing  upon  a  small  scale.  If 
a  man  picks  your  pocket,  or  enters  your  house  in  the 
dark,  or  accosts  you  upon  the  highway  and  takes  from 
you  a  few  dollars,  you  regard  him  as  a  vulgar  thief. 
No  one  can  have  respect  for  such  a  person,  and  the 
punishments  of  the  law  are  in  such  cases  swift  and 
sure,  if  the  offender  is  caught.  Even  in  the  case  of 
grand  larceny,  if  the  amount  taken  is  not  very  great, 
the  thief  finds  it  difficult  to  escape,  for  he  has  no 
influential  friends  and  he  cannot  hire  skillful  lawyers 
to  present  technicalities  in  his  defense.  If,  however, 
he  steals  a  large  sum,  it  becomes  quite  a  different  mat- 
ter, and  the  sum  may  be  so  large  that  we  overlook 
the  man's  rascality  in  our  amazement  at  the  genius 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  299 

which  he  has  displayed.  As  a  rule,  the  man  who 
steals  a  million  dollars  has  a  better  chance  of  escape 
than  the  man  who  steals  a  thousand.  So  true  is  this 
tnat  it  has  been  suggested  that  we  amend  the  com- 
mandment to  read,  "Thou  shalt  not  steal  upon  a  small 
scale."  Judge  Jerry  Black,  the  celebrated  Pennsyl- 
vania lawyer,  in  his  argument  in  the  Credit  Mobilier 
case,  quoted  a  man  of  affairs  as  saying  that  to  rob  an 
individual  was  criminal,  to  rob  a  corporation  was  rep- 
rehensible, to  rob  a  municipality  was  a  matter  of 
doubtful  morality,  to  rob  a  state  was  meritorious — but 
to  rob  the  United  States  was  the  highest  achievement 
of  human  virtue.  We  should  attempt  to  cultivate  a 
public  opinion  which  will  remove  the  distinction 
between  grand  larceny  and  glorious  larceny  and  insure 
the  enforcement  of  the  criminal  law  against  all 
offenders  alike,  regardless  of  the  amount  stolen  and 
regardless  of  the  social,  business  or  politi3al  position 
of  the  thief. 

But  my  object  tonight  is  rather  to  draw  your  atten- 
tion to  the  various  ways  in  which  larceny  may  be 
committed.  There  is  a  distinction  that  can  be  drawn 
between  direct  and  indirect  larceny;  that  is,  between 
the  one  who  does  the  stealing  himself  and  the  one 
who  does  it  through  another,  and  this  is  a  larger  sub- 
ject than  at  first  appears,  for  those  who  produce  con- 
ditions which  result  in  such  gross  injustice  that  the 
victims  of  the  injustice  are  driven  to  destitution,  to 
despair,  to  desperation,  and  finally  to  theft — those 
who  produce  these  conditions  are  not  entirely  guilt- 
less. But  the  discussion  of  this  subject  will  lead  us 


300  THE    REAL    BRYAN 

into  sociology,  and  I  want  to  confine  myself  to  crim- 
inology. 

For  the  purposes  of  this  discussion,  let  us  divide 
larceny  into  two  classes — larceny  in  violation  of  the 
law  and  larceny  through  the  operation  of  law.  While 
both  branches  of  the  subject  are  important,  the  sec- 
ond branch  is  the  larger  and  the  less  considered.  I 
think  I  am  within  the  truth  when  I  say  that,  meas- 
ured by  the  value  of  the  property  taken,  stealing 
through  the  operation  of  law,  if  not  so  frequent,  reaches 
a  larger  aggregate  than  stealing  in  violation  of  the 
law.  But  the  stealing  which  is  done  in  violation  of 
law  is  enormous  and  the  methods  employed  many. 
Take  for  illustration  the  administration  of  our  tax 
laws.  Let  us  suppose  that  the  law  is  made  by  well- 
meaning  legislators,  and  in  its  requirements  approaches 
justice  as  closely  as  fallible  man  can  approach  justice. 
The  assessor  is  sometimes  corrupted — not  always  by 
money,  but  more  often  by  influence.  That  is,  the  per- 
son favored  does  not  always  pay  the  assessor  a  fixed 
sum,  but  helps  to  elect  him  or  re-elect  him,  and  thus 
becomes  responsible  for  the  continuation  of  his  salary. 

Inequality  in  taxation  is  merely  a  form  of  larceny. 
If  two  men  live  side  by  side  and  one  contributes  in 
taxation  ten  dollars  when  his  just  share  is  only  five 
dollars,  and  the  other  pays  only  five  when  he  ought 
to  pay  ten,  one  loses  five  dollars  that  he  ought  to 
keep,  while  the  other  keeps  five  dollars  that  he  ought 
to  give  to  the  government.  The  effect  in  this  case  is 
just  the  same  as  if  one  man  took  the  other  man's 
property  and  applied  it  to  his  own  use.  The  fact 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  801 

that  the  government,  acting  as  a  collector,  took  the 
five  dollars  from  the  man  who  is  overburdened  and 
gave  it  to  the  man  who  is  underburdened  does  not 
change  the  character  of  the  transaction. 

If  inequality  in  taxation  is  due  to  the  act  of  an 
assessor  who,  at  the  solicitation  of  a  property  owner, 
under-assesses  him,  then  the  assessor  and  the  man 
favored  are  guilty  of  the  wrongful  taking  of  the  prop- 
erty of  another.  If  we  examine  the  assessment  books 
in  any  city  we  will  find  many  instances  such  as  that 
above  mentioned.  One  piece  of  property  will  be 
assessed  at  half  its  value,  another  piece  of  property  at 
a  third  of  its  value,  and  still  another  at  a  fourth  of 
its  value,  and  where  there  is  this  difference  in  the 
basis  of  assessment,  the  discrimination  is  usually  in 
favor  of  the  large  property  holder  who  is  able  to  exert 
an  influence  upon  the  assessor  to  bias  him  in  favor 
of  an  undervaluation. 

Not  only  is  the  large  business  block  often  favored 
at  the  expense  of  the  small  home,  but  the  property 
of  big  corporations  is  often  favored  at  the  expense  of 
individual  holders.  Take,  for  instance,  a  street  car 
company,  a  water  plant  or  a  gas  plant.  On  the  stock 
market  these  franchise-holding  corporations  never  for- 
get to  count  in  the  value  of  the  franchise,  and  this 
intangible  asset  is  sometimes  as  valuable  as  the  physi- 
cal properties  owned  by  the  corporation.  Taxes  are 
generally  estimated  on  the  basis  of  physical  property, 
while  the  dividends  are  paid  upon  the  face  value  of 
the  stocks  and  bonds.  It  seems  strange  that  a  corpo- 
ration which  receives  a  valuable  franchise  from  the 


302  THE    REAL   BRYAN 

public  as  a  gift  should  refuse  to  pay  taxes  in  propor- 
tion to  the  market  value  of  its  stocks  and  bonds,  and 
yet,  there  is  scarcely  a  city  or  state  in  which  the  pub- 
lic is  not  in  a  constant  struggle  to  compel  franchise- 
holding  corporations  to  pay  their  share  of  the  taxes, 
and  even  then  the  basis  upon  which  they  pay  is 
notoriously  lower  than  the  basis  upon  which  the  indi- 
vidual property  owner,  especially  the  small  property 
owner,  pays. 

If  a  certain  sum  is  to  be  collected  in  taxes  and  some 
pay  less  than  they  should,  the  others  must  pay  more 
than  their  share.  Is  it  not  worth  while  to  insist  that 
both  the  under-assessed  citizen  and  the  unscrupulous 
official  shall  obey  the  commandment,  "Thou  shalt  not 
steal?" 

I  need  not  waste  time  on  the  tax  dodger  or  the 
smuggler,  for  those  who,  by  concealment,  deliberately 
deceive  the  assessor  or  collector  are  as  guilty  of  larceny 
as  if  they  boldly  took  the  property  of  others. 

But  what  if  the  fault  is  in  the  law  itself?  What 
shall  we  say  if  those  who  make  the  law,  write  it  with 
the  intention  of  overburdening  some  and  releasing 
others  from  just  obligations?  Time  does  not  permit 
an  extended  discussion  of  the  various  systems  of  taxa- 
tion. If  we  were  discussing  the  question  of  taxation 
in  a  fundamental  way,  we  would  have  to  consider 
the  claims  of  all  systems,  existing  and  proposed,  but 
I  am  not  now  considering  new  systems,  but  rather 
the  injustice  connected  with  the  systems  in  operation. 
In  local  taxation  we  are  constantly  confronted  with 
the  question,  "Shall  personal  property  be  taxed?"  and 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  303 

there  are  many  who  argue  that  because  personal  prop- 
erty is  difficult  to  locate,  it  should  be  exempt.  This 
argument  is  based  upon  the  theory  that  it  is*  better 
not  to  attempt  to  collect  a  tax  upon  personal  prop- 
erty than  to  make  un  unsuccessful  attempt.  While 
I  recognize  that  it  is  easier  to  collect  taxes  on  visible 
than  on  invisible  property,  I  am  convinced  that  the 
owners  of  visible  property  should  not  pay  their  own 
taxes,  and,  in  addition  thereto,  the  taxes  that  ought  to 
be  paid  by  the  owners  of  invisible  property.  The 
farmer,  for  instance,  has  his  money  invested  in  lands, 
in  improvements  and  in  stock.  All  of  these  can  be 
found  and  their  value  estimated.  If  in  the  cities  there 
are  people  of  great  wealth  who,  instead  of  owning  lands 
and  buildings  and  cattle  and  hogs,  own  money,  and 
notes,  and  bonds,  is  it  fair  that  the  owners  of  money 
and  securities  shall  be  exempt  from  taxation?  The 
man  who  loans  usually  requires  security — not  only 
security  but  a  margin  to  cover  possible  shrinkage  in 
the  value  of  the  property  upon  which  the  security 
rests;  that  is,  the  man  who  owes  him  must  suffer  a 
considerable  loss  before  the  creditor  suffers  any.  Is 
it  fair  that  the  man  who  thus  must  take  his  chances 
upon  the  seasons  and  run  the  risks  of  business,  should 
also  pay  the  taxes  of  the  one  who  is  able  to  protect 
himself  from  ordinary  risks  and  chances?  If  the  law 
is  made  by  those  who  escape  taxation,  are  they  not 
taking  the  property  of  others  in  violation  of  morals, 
even  when  they  act  in  accordance  with  the  laws  which 
they  have  secured? 

The  government  is  a  mighty  power  for  good  or  for 


304  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

evil,  for  justice  or  for  injustice,  and  when  the  gov- 
ernment itself  can  be  manipulated  for  the  enforce- 
ment of  a  law  which  rests  upon  injustice,  great  harm 
can  be  done.  Is  it  stretching  the  definition  of  larceny 
to  make  it  cover  the  wrongful  taking  of  a  man's 
property  through  unjust  legislation?  I  might  hesi- 
tate to  use  such  strong  language  were  it  not  for  the 
fact  that  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  has 
used  just  such  language  in  what  is  known  as  the 
Topeka  (Kansas)  case.  Justice  Miller,  in  delivering 
the  opinion  of  the  court,  said,  "To  lay  with  one  hand 
the  power  of  the  government  on  the  property  of  the 
citizen  and  with  the  other  to  bestow  it  upon  favored 
individuals  to  aid  private  enterprises  and  build  up 
private  fortunes  is  none  the  less  a  robbery  because  it 
is  done  under  the  forms  of  law  and  is  called  taxation." 

"Robbery"  is  even  a  stronger  word  than  larceny, 
but  I  am  so  conservative  in  my  language  that  I  prefer 
to  use  the  more  polite  phrase  and  leave  the  harsher 
term  to  our  court  of  last  resort. 

In  national  taxation  we  have  not  made  as  near  an 
approach  to  justice  as  we  have  in  state  and  municipal 
taxation.  In  national  taxation  we  collect  almost  all 
of  our  revenues  for  the  support  of  the  federal  govern- 
ment from  internal  revenue  taxes  and  from  import 
duties.  These  taxes  rest  upon  consumption  and  are 
collected  in  proportion  to  consumption.  We  tax  peo- 
ple according  to  their  needs  rather  than  according  to 
their  possessions,  and  men's  needs  are  more  uniform 
than  their  possessions.  Men  do  not  use  tobacco,  con- 
sume liquor,  buy  food  or  wear  clothing  in  proportion 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  305 

to  their  wealth  or  in  proportion  to  their  income,  and 
taxes  upon  consumption  always  overburden  the  poor 
and  underburden  the  rich.  When  the  income  tax 
was  under  discussion  it  was  insisted  that  it  collected 
a  tribute  from  thrift  and  industry,  but  are  not  all 
taxes  income  taxes?  They  must  be  paid  out  of  the 
income,  even  though  they  are  not  proportioned  to  the 
income.  Taxes  upon  consumption  are  therefore  in- 
come taxes;  they  are  more  than  that,  they  are  grad- 
uated taxes  upon  income,  and  the  heaviest  per  cent 
falls  upon  the  lowest  income.  Adam  Smith  has  laid 
it  down  as  a  rule  that  people  ought  to  pay  taxes  in 
proportion  to  the  benefits  which  they  receive  from 
their  government,  and  those  who  look  to  the  govern- 
ment for  the  protection  of  large  possessions  ought  to 
be  willing  to  pay  in  proportion  to  the  protection  which 
they  receive.  Our  police  officers,  our  fire  departments, 
our  courts,  our  armies  and  our  navies  are  supported 
more  for  the  protection  of  property  than  for  the  pro- 
tection of  life,  and  it  is  only  fair  that  taxation  should, 
as  far  as  possible,  take  into  consideration  the  benefits 
given  in  return. 

I  am  aware  that  it  is  not  possible  to  devise  any 
system  of  taxation  which  will  be  perfectly  fair  and 
absolutely  equitable,  but  I  am  afraid  that  we  have 
not  always  made  justice  and  fairness  the  first  con- 
sideration. The  income  tax  has  been  opposed  by  men 
who  would  have  their  taxes  increased  and  by  men 
whose  taxes  ought  to  be  increased,  and  I  have  had  a 
suspicion  that  our  import  duties  have  in  some  cases 
been  levied  for  the  purpose  of  giving  some  industries 


306  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

an  advantage  over  other  industries — to  give  a  few  of 
the  people  a  profit  at  the  expense  of  the  rest  of  the 
people.  The  reason  why  unjust  taxation  continues  is 
that  those  who  receive  in  large  quantities  exert  an 
undue  influence  upon  legislators,  while  those  who 
pay,  each  a  small  amount,  are  too  often  indifferent  to 
the  exactions. 

The  contest  between  the  tax  payer  on  the  one  side 
and  the  tax  eater  on  the  other  is  always  an  unequal 
contest,  because  the  tax  eater  is  vigilant  and  ever  pres- 
ent, while  the  tax  payer  is  at  home  trying  to  make 
enough  to  meet  the  next  assessment.  For  this  rea- 
son appropriations  grow  apace  and  unjust  systems  of 
taxation  find  eloquent  defense  from  orators  and  news- 
papers. If  I  were  to  attempt  to  enter  into  detail,  I 
might  run  counter  to  the  preconceived  notions  of 
many  in  this  audience,  but  I  venture  to  call  your  atten- 
tion to  the  subject  in  the  hope  that  as  conscientious 
men  and  women  you  will  study  the  question  of  taxa- 
tion with  the  determination  to  eliminate  the  element 
of  larceny  wherever  it  appears  and  put  taxation  upon 
a  just  foundation,  so  that  each  citizen  will  contribute 
his  fair  share  to  the  burdens  of  the  government  under 
whose  protection  we  all  live. 

And  now,  if  you  will  bear  with  me  a  moment,  I 
will  take  up  another  subject  which  illustrates  how 
larceny  can  be  practiced  by  law.  A  change  in  the 
monetary  standard  of  a  country  affords  an  opportunity 
for  the  wrongful  taking  of  property.  A  few  years 
ago  the  debtor  class  in  this  country  was  complaining 
because  of  a  rising  dollar;  during  the  last  few  years 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  307 

the  creditor  class  has  been  complaining  of  a  falling 
dollar.  That  is,  from  1873  to  1897  the  general  level 
of  prices  fell,  and,  roughly  speaking,  a  dollar  would 
buy  more  and  more  each  year.  From  1897  up  to  a 
few  months  ago  prices  have  been  rising  and  a  dollar 
would  buy  less  and  less  each  year.  Now,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  falling  prices  help  the  man  who 
owns  the  dollars,  while  rising  prices  help  the  man 
who  owes  dollars.  I  do  not  know  that  it  is  necessary 
to  elaborate  upon  this,  because  the  quantitive  theory 
of  money  is  now  generally  accepted,  and  the  quanti- 
tive theory  of  money  is  stated  in  the  proposition  that, 
other  factors  remaining  the  same,  the  purchasing  power 
of  a  dollar  decreases  as  the  number  of  dollars  increases, 
or,  to  state  it  in  a  different  way,  prices  rise  when  the 
volume  of  money  increases.  When  the  general  level 
of  prices  rises. or  falls,  all  business  is  adjusted  to  it, 
but  some  things  more  slowly  than  others.  There  are 
certain  fixed  charges,  such  as  the  expenses  of  govern- 
ment, which  do  not  respond  quickly  to  a  change  in 
the  level  of  prices.  Take  for  instance  debts,  railroad 
rates  and  official  salaries.  When  prices  were  falling 
the  dollars  called  for  by  a  note  or  bond  increased  in. 
purchasing  power,  and  the  one  who  collected  the  dol- 
lars, collected  this  increase,  his  principal  rising  in  fact, 
though  not  in  figures.  The  interest  itself  increased, 
for,  while  the  rate  remained  the  same,  the  purchasing 
power  of  the  annual  interest  grew.  And  so  also,  with 
railroad  rates.  A  fixed  rate  per  ton  or  a  passenger  rate 
of  three  cents  per  mile  became  more  and  more  to  the 
railroad  and  cost  more  and  more  to  the  shipper  or 


308  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

traveler.  In  like  manner  official  salaries,  though  not 
increased  in  amount,  became  heavier  upon  those  'who, 
through  taxation,  paid  the  salaries.  Since  prices  have 
been  rising  the  reverse  has  been  true,  and  the  fixed 
charges  in  the  way  of  debt,  interest,  rates  and  salaries 
have  been  more  easily  paid.  If  a  change  in  the  vol- 
ume of  the  money  is  made  deliberately  and  inten- 
tionally, those  who  make  it  are  morally  responsible 
for  the  injustice  done,  and  they  must  be  prepared  to 
show  that,  all  things  considered,  the  change  secures  a 
larger  measure  of  justice,  or  a  nearer  approximation 
to  justice. 

I  have  not  mentioned  the  subject  for  the  purpose 
of  criticising  those  who  have  endeavored  to  enlarge  the 
volume  of  currency,  or  those  who  have  endeavored  to 
contract  it;  I  have  referred  to  the  matter  merely  to 
show  that  through  monetary  legislation  it  is  possi- 
ble to  take  money  from  one  man  and  give  it  to  an- 
other, and  it  follows  that  unless  this  legislation  is  based 
upon  sound  arguments  and  the  laws  made  in  the  inter- 
est of  justice,  the  taking  may  not  only  be  wrongful 
but  the  injury  very  great. 

The  ideal  monetary  system  would  be  one  in  which 
the  purchasing  power  of  the  dollar  remained  the  same 
yesterday,  today  and  forever.  Then  business  could  be 
done  upon  a  level  plain,  and  no  one  would  secure  that 
legislative  advantage  which,  whether  it  be  great  or 
small,  is  necessarily  attendant  upon  a  change  in  the 
average  purchasing  power  of  the  dollar.  In  1896  bi- 
metallists  contended  that  an  enlargement  of  the  vol- 
ume of  the  currency  was  necessary  to  protect  society 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  809 

from  the  effect  of  falling  prices,  an  effect  recognized 
by  all  civilized  countries  in  the  various  international 
conferences  that  were  held.  It  was  admitted  that  in 
the  restoration  of  bimetallism  there  would  be  instances 
of  individual  injustice,  but  it  was  contended  that  the 
restoration  of  a  just  level  of  prices  would,  on  the  whole, 
promote  justice.  Those  who  at  that  time  defended 
falling  prices  and  complained  of  bimetallism  are  today 
using  the  arguments  of  bimetallists  and  pointing  out 
the  fact  that  the  dollar  which  rises  in  value,  like  a 
dollar  which  falls  in  value,  brings  injustice  to  some. 

Surely  in  the  consideration  of  so  great  a  subject  as 
that  of  money,  care  should  be  exercised  to  reduce  to 
the  minimum  the  injustice  done  and  to  increase  to 
the  maximum  the  stability  of  the  dollar  as  a  measure 
of  the  value  of  all  other  property. 

The  subject  of  private  monopoly  furnishes  us  an- 
other illustration  of  larceny,  and  here  it  is  not  petit 
larceny  nor  even  grand  larceny;  it  rises  to  the  pro- 
portions of  a  glorious  larency,  not  only  because  of  the 
amount  taken,  but  because  of  the  respectability  of 
those  who  receive  the  stolen  goods.  The  object  of 
a  private  monopoly  is  to  control  the  price  of  the 
thing  sold;  it  is  to  corner  the  market.  The  theory  is 
that  man's  necessities  require  him  to  buy  certain  things 
which  sustain  his  life  and  add  to  his  comfort.  Where 
there  is  competition  the  sellers  bid  against  each  other 
and  the  purchaser  is  able  to  secure  what  he  needs  at 
a  price  which  is  approximately  fair.  If,  however,  all 
of  the  vendors  can  be  brought  together  in  a  combina- 
tion, so  that  all  purchasers  must  buy  of  the  same  vend- 


310  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

or,  competition  is  eliminated  and  the  man  who  fixes 
the  price,  fixes  it  arbitrarily;  and  we  know  enough 
of  human  nature  to  know  that  he  is  apt  to  charge 
all  that  the  traffic  will  bear.  To  illustrate  this  point, 
let  us  suppose  a  city  in  the  midst  of  a  desert  whose  peo- 
ple derive  their  water  supply  from  a  single  spring.  All 
must  have  water,  and  they  must  have  it  no  matter  at 
what  cost.  If  the  one  spring  to  which  they  all  must  go 
is  owned  by  an  individual  and  he  is  permitted  to  charge 
what  he  will  for  water,  he  is  sure  to  prosper  as  long  as 
there  is  any  money  in  the  city.  This  is  an  imag- 
inary case.  It  cannot  be  real,  because  the  instinct  of 
self-preservation  is  so  strong  that  people  would  not 
permit  the  water  supply  of  a  city  to  be  in  the  hands 
of  one  man  with  no  regulation  as  to  the  price  to  be 
charged.  In  the  cities  which  permit  private  corpora- 
tions to  control  the  water  plants  there  is  always  pro- 
vision for  regulation  of  the  price.  I  need  only  pre- 
sent the  case  of  a  real  monopoly  to  show  how  intoler- 
able it  is.  A  monopoly  is  as  abhorrent  to  the  public 
as  a  vacuum  is  to  nature,  and  yet,  we  have  allowed 
monopolies  to  grow  up  in  this  country  which  do  far 
more  injustice,  and  reap  a  larger  profit  from  the  injus- 
tice, than  the  owner  of  the  spring  would  in  the  sup- 
posed city  in  the  desert  and  these  monopolies  are 
tolerated  only  because  the  people  are  less  informed 
about  their  methods  and  their  influence. 

I  insist  that  the  commandment  "Thou  shalt  not 
steal"  applies  as  much  to  the  monopolist  as  to  the  high- 
wayman, and  we  shall  not  make  any  national  prog- 
ress in  the  protection  of  the  people  from  private  monop- 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  311 

olies  until  we  are  prepared  to  obliterate  the  line  that 
society  has  drawn  between  the  ordinary  thief  and  the 
larger  criminal  who  holds  up  society  and  plunders 
the  public  through  the  instrumentality  of  private  mo- 
nopoly. The  man  who  stands  by  the  wayside  and, 
holding  a  revolver  to  your  head,  demands  your  money 
or  your  life  is  no  more  a  criminal,  measured  by  every 
moral  standard,  than  the  man  who,  obtaining  control 
of  a  nation's  fuel,  collects  a  tribute  from  every  house- 
holder, offering  him  the  alternative  of  payment  or 
suffering  from  lack  of  fire.  I  have  mentioned  a  monop- 
oly in  fuel,  but  a  monopoly  in  light,  in  food  or  in  any 
other  necessary  of  life  is  just  as  repugnant  to  the  moral 
sense.  It  is  entirely  possible  that  very  many  of  those 
who  enjoy  the  benefits  of  monopoly — some  as  mana- 
gers, some  as  directors  and  some  merely  as  stockholders 
— are  unconscious  of  the  principle  involved — uncon- 
scious of  the  moral  character  of  their  conduct,  but 
surely  this  is  an  opportune  time  to  impress  upon  the 
conscience  of  the  nation  the  real  moral  character  of 
the  conduct  of  the  monopolist. 

And  it  is  not  sufficient  that  we  shall  appeal  to  the 
conscience  of  the  monopolist  alone.  If  a  highwayman 
were  to  engage  a  lawyer  to  follow  a  few  rods  behind 
him  with  a  horse  that  he  might  have  a  ready  means 
of  escape  after  having  committed  an  act  of  robbery, 
we  would  call  the  lawyer  a  party  to  the  crime  and  we 
would  visit  upon  him  the  same  punishment  visited 
upon  the  principal  in  the  robbery,  and  so  if  some- 
one living  near  the  spot  where  the  robbery  was  com- 
mitted furnished  the  robber  with  a  change  of  clothing 


312  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

or,  in  return  for  a  part  of  the  booty,  conspired  with 
him  to  conceal  the  booty  until  suspicion  was  past, 
such  a  one  could  not  escape  legal  responsibility  for  the 
crime ;  and  yet,  it  is  considered  quite  respectable  today 
for  the  legal  representatives  of  predatory  wealth  to 
visit  state  capitals  and  national  capitals  and  prevent 
the  enactment  of  laws  intended  to  protect  the  public 
from  private  monopolies;  and  it  is  even  more  respect- 
able for  the  salaried  attorneys  of  these  monopolies  to 
follow  close  after  the  offenders  and  furnish  them 
horses  in  the  way  of  legal  technicalities  upon  which  to 
escape  from  punishment.  And  some  of  our  metropol- 
itan papers  are  in  the  same  class  with  the  unscrupu- 
lous lawyer.  Is  it  not  time  to  raise  the  moral  standard 
and  to  insist  that  our  laws  shall  be  made  for  the 
enforcement  of  human  rights  and  not  for  the  pro- 
tection of  those  who  violate  these  rights?  Shall  we 
continue  to  be  horrified  at  housebreaking  and  the 
picking  of  one's  pocket  and  yet  view  complacently 
and  without  concern  these  million-dollar  raids  upon 
the  earnings  of  the  entire  population?  Surely  we 
are  justified  in  applying  to  the  trust  question  the  com- 
mandment "Thou  shalt  not  steal." 

And  will  I  be  entering  upon  forbidden  ground  if 
I  question  the  moral  character  of  those  financial  trans- 
actions which  have  resulted  in  the  issuing  of  watered 
stock  and  fictitious  capitalization?  The  individual 
cannot  circulate  his  note  unless  the  purchaser  believes 
that  he  has  back  of  it  sufficient  property  to  insure  the 
payment  of  the  note,  but  there  is  a  presumption  in 
favor  of  stock  issued  by  a  corporation.  People  assume 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  313 

that  industrial  stocks  represent  their  face  value.  If 
a  company  is  formed  with  a  capital  of  a  hundred  mil- 
lions, the  investors  assume  that  that  much  money 
has  been  invested  in  plants  and  in  the  business,  and 
dividends  are  expected  upon  that  basis,  but  this  sup- 
position has  been  abused  and  the  people  have  been 
imposed  upon.  All  sorts  of  devices  have  been  em- 
ployed to  give  to  the  stock  the  appearance  of  genuine- 
ness. Eminent  financiers  underwrite  the  bonds  issued 
by  the  corporation,  or  subscribe  for  large  blocks  of 
stock  and  thus  lend  their  names  to  the  schemes  for 
the  exploitation  of  the  public.  A  few  years  ago  it 
was  found  that  one  of  the  high  officials  in  a  .promi- 
nent New  York  bank  was  connected  with  a  company 
which  was  inflating  the  value  of  certain  stocks  by 
what  is  known  as  washed  sales;  that  is,  by  the  selling 
and  re-selling  of  stock  among  a  group  of  men  for  the 
deception  of  the  public,  and  when  the  matter  was 
made  public,  the  bank  official  seemed  unconscious  of 
the  moral  turpitude  involved  in  the  transaction.  Stock 
which  does  not  represent  money  invested  cannot  be 
raised  to  its  face  value  by  honest  or  legitimate  means, 
and  those  who  palm  off  spurious  securities  upon  the 
market  may  make  more  money  by  such  transactions, 
but  they  show  no  more  conscience  in  their  transactions 
than  the  horsetrader  who  doctors  up  a  worthless  animal 
and  by  concealing  his  defects  sells  him  to  some  unwary 
purchaser.  I  hope  I  shall  not  be  thought  guilty  of 
impropriety  in  suggesting  that  the  commandments 
which  are  binding  upon  the  rest  of  the  world  ought 
not  to  be  suspended  in  the  region  of  Wall  street.  If 


314  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

we  were  able  to  make  an  exact  calculation  of  the 
amount  of  money  taken  from  an  unsuspecting  public 
each  year  by  the  issue  of  stocks  and  bonds  known  to 
be  worth  less  than  the  amount  for  which  they  are 
sold,  we  would  probably  find  that  the  total  amount 
of  money  stolen  in  this  way  is  larger  than  the  amount 
stolen  in  a  single  year  by  all  of  the  criminals  who 
have  been  sent  to  the  penitentiary  during  the  year 
for  petit  or  grand  larceny. 

Even  in  the  fixing  of  rates  (not  to  speak  of  dis- 
criminations and  rebates)  railroads  and  franchise- 
holding  corporations  may  be  guilty  of  an  extortion 
bordering  on  theft.  These  quasi  public  corporations 
are  under  obligations  to  furnish  an  adequate  service  at 
a  reasonable  rate  and  anything  in  excess  of  a  reason- 
able rate  is  simply  so  much  taken  without  right  from 
those  who  are  the  victims  of  the  extortion. 

And  now,  at  the  risk  of  being  accused  of  sacrilege, 
I  venture  to  introduce  to  the  stock  exchange  the  com- 
mandment which  we  have  been  considering.  I  am 
aware  that  here  in  New  York  the  stock  exchange  is 
regarded  with  a  certain  amount  of  veneration  and 
that  many  who  vehemently  denounce  gambling  in  a 
back  room  where  winnings  and  losses  are  small,  remain 
strangely  silent  in  the  presence  of  the  enormous  games 
that  are  played  upon  the  stock  market,  often  with 
loaded  dice.  Gambling  is  one  of  the  worst  of  vices, 
and  gambling  in  stocks  and  in  farm  products  is  the 
most  destructive  form  in  which  the  vice  appears. 
Measured  by  the  number  of  suicides  caused  by  the 
New  York  Stock  Exchange,  Monte  Carlo  is  an  in- 


THE    REAL   BRYAN  315 

nocent  pleasure  resort  by  comparison.  Measured  by 
the  amount  of  money  changing  hands,  the  contrast  is 
still  greater  in  favor  of  Monte  Carlo;  and  measured 
by  the  influence  upon  those  who  do  not  gamble,  the 
evils  of  Monte  Carlo  are  insignificant  when  compared 
with  the  evils  of  New  York's  commercial  gambling 
houses.  The  New  York  Stock  Exchange  has  grad- 
uated more  embezzlers  than  Fagin's  school  did  thieves. 
When  a  group  of  men  gamble  at  a  wheel  of  fortune 
or  at  a  game  of  cards,  the  injury  done  is  confined  to 
them  and  to  those  immediately  dependent  upon  them, 
but  those  who  gamble  in  the  grain  pit  or  on  the  floor 
of  the  Stock  Exchange  deal  in  commodities  or  secu- 
rities in  which  eighty  millions  of  people  are  directly 
or  indirectly  interested.  Farm  products  are  juggled 
up  or  juggled  down,  stocks  are  boosted  by  the  bulls 
or  depressed  by  the  bears,  and  the  whole  country  feels 
the  effect.  The  natural  laws  of  supply  and  demand 
ought  to  regulate  prices  but  these  laws  are  entirely 
suspended  when  a  few  men  can  by  their  bets  add 
millions  of  dollars  to  the  market  value  of  one  product 
or  take  millions  of  dollars  from  the  value  of  another 
product.  After  a  crusade  which  convulsed  a  state  and 
at  last  impressed  the  thought  of  the  nation,  we  got 
rid  of  the  Louisiana  lottery  and  then  we  congratulated 
ourselves  upon  our  virtue.  The  men  in  charge  of 
the  lottery  never  did  a  tithe  of  the  harm  that  the 
grain  gamblers  and  the  stock  gamblers  of  New  York 
do  every  day,  nor  did  they  ever  exercise  anything 
like  the  corrupting  influences  over  politics.  It  has 
been  asserted  without  denial  that  ninety-nine  per  cent 


316  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

of  the  New  York  purchases  and  sales  of  stock  and 
of  produce  are  merely  bets  upon  the  market  value, 
with  no  intention  on  the  part  of  the  vendor  to  deliver, 
or  on  the  part  of  the  purchaser  to  receive.  This  is 
not  business ;  it  is  not  commerce ;  it  is  not  speculation ; 
it  is  common,  vulgar  gambling,  and  when  to  the 
ordinary  chances  that  the  gambler  takes  are  added 
the  extraordinary  chances  due  to  the  secret  manipu- 
lation of  the  market  by  those  who  are  on  the  inside, 
the  stock  market  become  worse  than  an  honestly  con- 
ducted gambling  resort.  If  a  man  takes  a  chance 
upon  a  wheel  of  fortune,  he  knows  just  what  his 
chance  is,  and  he  knows  that  the  owner  of  the  wheel 
has  a  percentage  of  chances  in  his  favor,  but  when 
a  stranger  gambles  upon  the  stock  or  grain  market, 
he  is  at  the  mercy  of  those  who,  by  obtaining  control 
of  the  visible  supply,  can  destroy  every  natural  law 
or  business  rule  which  the  outsider  knows.  While 
the  laws  of  each  state  and  the  laws  of  the  nation  should 
prevent,  as  far  as  laws  can,  the  use  of  these  commer- 
cial activities  for  gambling  purposes,  there  must  be 
back  of  the  law  an  educated  public  opinion,  and  I 
beg  the  spiritual  advisers  of  our  great  cities  to  con- 
sider whether  they  cannot  advance  religion  as  well  as 
morality  by  pointing  out  that  the  commandment 
"Thou  shalt  not  steal"  is  openly  and  notoriously  vio- 
lated in  the  stock  market  and  in  the  grain  pit  by 
those  who  profess  to  believe  in  the  Bible  and  to  have 
respect  for  its  teachings. 

If  time  permitted  I  would   call   attention   to  the 
adulteration  of  food  which  sometimes  involves  a  vio- 


THE    REAL    BRYAN  317 

lation  of  the  commandment  against  killing  as  well  as 
the  commandment  against  theft. 

But  law  finds  its  foundations  in  morals,  and  back  of 
wrong  doing  is  a  false  conception  of  life.  I  have  not- 
exhausted  the  field  of  illustration;  I  have  not  applied 
my  text  in  all  the  multitude  of  ways  in  which  it  can 
be  applied,  but  I  shall  conclude  the  discussion  for 
this  time  by  calling  attention  to  the  fundamental  con- 
ception of  life  that  more  than  anything  else  is  respon- 
sible for  the  various  forms  of  larceny  to  which  I  have 
referred.  In  our  haste  to  make  money  we  have  culti- 
vated the  impression  that  life  is  to  be  measured  by  its 
income  and  that  men  are  worthy  of  respect  in  propor- 
tion as  they  have  accumulated.  If  I  were  delivering 
a  religious  address  I  would  insist  that  life  should  be 
measured  by  its  overflow  rather  than  by  its  income. 
I  would  insist  that  it  is  what  we  put  into  the  world 
and  not  what  we  take  out  of  it  that  determines  the 
success  of  a  life.  But  for  the  present  I  shall  content 
myself  with  presenting  an  economic  standard  rather 
than  a  religious  one  and  say  that  the  only  economic 
rule  for  accumulation  is  that  one  shall  draw  from 
society  in  proportion  as  he  contributes  to  the  welfare 
of  society.  Forms  of  government,  methods  of  admin- 
istration and  legislation  all  should  have  for  their 
object  the  securing  to  each  citizen  of  the  rightful  and 
legitimate  rewards  for  his  toil.  Society  cannot  say  to 
a  man  that  he  must  as  a  matter  of  religious  duty  give 
more  to  society  than  he  takes  from  society,  nor  can 
it  without  violation  of  individual  rights  say  to  a 
man  that  he  must  give  to  society  more  than  he  gets 


318  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

from  society.  The  citizen  owes  a  certain  obligation 
to  the  government,  and  the  government  owes  a  certain 
obligation  to  the  citizen,  and  these  obligations  are 
equally  binding.  The  government  can  have  no  fav- 
ors; it  cannot  put  the  burdens  upon  some  and  offer 
the  rewards  to  others.  The  best  government  is  that 
which  furnishes  to  each  citizen  the  most  perfect  securi- 
ty against  every  arm  uplifted  for  his  injury  and  which, 
in  so  far  as  it  enters  upon  a  co-operative  work,  distrib- 
utes with  equity  both  the  burdens  and  the  benefits  of 
that  co-operation.  Perfection  is  not  to  be  expected  in 
government  but  the  desire  for  perfection  ought  to 
control  the  citizen  in  his  civic  work  as  it  controls  him 
in  his  own  life.  Jefferson  taught  this  conception  of 
government  when  he  insisted  upon  the  maxim,  "equal 
rights  to  all  and  special  privileges  to  none."  Lincoln 
had  this  purpose  of  government  in  mind  when  he 
said  at  Gettysburg  that  those  who  assembled  there 
should  resolve  that  "a  government  of  the  people,  by 
the  people  and  for  the  people  should  not  perish  from 
the  earth,"  and  Jackson  gave  expression  to  the  same 
thought  when  he  said  in  one  of  his  messages: 

"Distinction  in  society  will  always  exist  under  every 
just  government.  Equality  of  talents,  of  education  or 
of  wealth,  cannot  be  produced  by  human  institutions. 
In  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  gifts  of  Heaven  and  the 
fruits  of  superior  industry,  economy  and  virtue,  every 
man  is  equally  entitled  to  protection  by  law." 

"But  when  the  laws  undertake  to  add  to  those  nat- 
ural and  just  advantages  artificial  distinctions — to 
grant  titles,  gratuities  and  exclusive  privileges — to 


THE  REAL  BRYAN  319 

make  the  rich  richer  and  the  potent  more  powerful; 
the  humble  members  of  society — the  farmers,  mechan- 
ics and  the  laborers — who  have  neither  the  time  nor 
the  means  of  securing  like  favors  for  themselves,  have 
a  right  to  complain  of  the  injustice  of  their  govern- 
ment." 

The  "swollen  fortunes,"  against  which  the  President 
justly  inveighs,  almost  without  exception  find  their 
source  in  special  privileges  and  in  governmental  favor- 
itism which  legalize  injustice;  it  is  riot  strange  that 
the  "humble  members  of  society"  complain,  but  it 
is  strange  that  conscience  does  not  more  often  restrain 
the  "rich"  and  the  "potent"  from  asking  for  such 
unfair  advantages. 

The  nearer  we  can  make  government  conform  to 
the  divine  plan,  the  nearer  we  shall  approach  justice, 
and  according  to  the  divine  plan  the  reward  should 
be  proportioned  to  the  industry  and  the  intelligence 
with  which  one  labors.  With  the  great  mass  of  man- 
kind this  must  remain  the  only  basis  of  rewards,  and 
those  who  in  the  pulpit,  on  the  platform,  through 
the  press  and  in  legislative  halls  assist  in  the  creation 
of  public  opinion  should  labor  in  season  and  out  of 
season  to  present  an  ideal  of  life  that  will  make  each 
individual  as  anxious  to  render  faithful  service  to 
society  as  he  is  to  draw  an  adequate  compensation 
from  society. 

The  commandment:  "Thou  shalt  not  steal,"  will 
not  have  the  weight  that  it  ought  to  have  among  men 
until  it  is  so  construed  as  to  bring  the  feeling  of 
guilt  and  shame  to  those  who  draw  from  the  common 


320  THE  REAL  BRYAN 

store  more  than  they  add  in  service.  If  we  can  but 
create  a  sentiment  which  will  make  men  ashamed, 
not  only  of  wrong  doing  but  of  idleness  as  well,  and 
fill  them  with  an  earnest  desire  to  make  generous 
return  to  society  for  all  the  blessings  that  society  con- 
fers, it  will  be  easier  to  prevent  those  varieties  of  lar- 
ceny which  are  so  difficult  to  define  and  which  the 
officers  of  the  law  find  it  hard  to  detect  and  punish. 
[From  an  address  delivered  at  Carnegie  Hall,  New 
York,  February  4,  1908,  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Civic  Forum.'] 


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